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Two decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall, we are entering an uncertain era for international politics. Whether you choose to call it the ‘multipolar’ moment, the ‘rise of the rest’, or the ‘post-American era’, one thing is certain; the 21st century will not be America’s alone, the way starry-eyed Neoconservatives had so licentiously dreamed about. On the contrary, debilitating wars abroad, a plummeting international image, major domestic economic problems, and increasingly confused military and diplomatic establishments, all underwrite the sorry state of America’s current grand strategy.

The problem begins with Washington's inability, or unwillingness, to respond to the changing nature of international politics. New powers are emerging on every continent that demand more autonomy, more respect, and a louder voice in the management of international affairs. The Chinese, Indians, and Russians are pushing for a gradual shift away from the dollar towards a new international reserve currency. The Europeans are looking to solidify their political union to compliment the growing economic power of the continent. Brazil is the unquestioned leader in South America - once America's jealously guarded 'strategic back yard.' Saudi Arabia, sensing America's waning influence and the rise of the East, is considering diversifying its strategic relationships in support of its regional ambitions.

In light of all these important dynamics, how can America manage its relations with the world, while simultaneously protecting its fundamental interests?

The answer lays in the development and application of a new grand strategy that is more adaptable to our international environment. This strategy should reconcile American capabilities and aspirations on one hand, and the capabilities and aspirations of emerging powers on the other. American foreign policy must flow with currents of historical change, not erect paltry dams for short-term gains. Standing in the way of meaningful and popular multilateral efforts to solve the world’s collective problems will only hold America back by decreasing its influence and increase resistance to its power abroad. Climate change, revamping international finance, concluding the DOHA trade round, peace in the Middle East and Afghanistan, poverty and AIDS, as well as global pandemics, are complex problems in need of global solutions. Without the cooperation of major partners, Washington can achieve little.

To inspire again, America must invest heavily in its diplomatic resources, and silence its guns whenever possible. American power must be channeled through astute diplomats, ambitious businesspersons, visionary entrepreneurs, cutting-edge academics, and altruistic aid workers. America must once again become 'in' and not merely 'of' the international community.

The in-your-face cowboyism that permeates America’s image overseas contradicts directly with the hopes and dreams, not to mention sensibilities, of a new globally connected generation. This new generation tends to look beyond the narrow confines of romantic nationalism, antiquated militarism, and Manichean dualism. This new generation wants shared commitments and responsibilities supported by global partnerships, cross-cultural exposure, and respect for the pluralism of our world.

Obama understands this and is desperately trying to turn the tide. He has spoken of order and respect above idealist adventurism, and democracy by persuasion, not coercion. He has steered away from dictating and has spoken of shared responsibilities - basically telling emerging powers such as China to handle all the international responsibility they can stomach.

His young presidency has kicked-off with a public relations campaign spearheaded by historic speeches in Cairo and Ghana, among others. He advocates talking to opponents like Syria and Iran, as opposed to stubbornly and unproductively shunning them. These are all positive developments. The U.S. must now build on them in concrete ways. With a large pool of political capital, it will be tricky for foreign governments to say no to him should he approach them with sensible proposals for collaboration on regional and global issues.

However, the biggest obstacle in Obama’s way will not be the world, but Washington’s byzantine corridors of power. Congress and the power of special interest groups have always played a prominent role in American foreign policy. Finding a way to bring them on board, or outflank them altogether, will require supreme political and strategic acumen.

It is no longer beneficial for America to try to preserve its Eagle's superior, but increasingly lonely, position at the helm of the global political order. Getting it to fly again is what American grand strategy should really aim for. Can Obama and Washington rise to the challenge?

Iyad Dakka is a M.A. Candidate at the Norman Paterson School of International Affairs in Ottawa and Editor of the Global Axioms Blog.

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