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February 7, 2012 |  3 comments |  Print | E-Mail Your Opinion  

We Need More Strategic Thinking in the Iran Debate

Aaron Ellis: In the perennial debate over what to do about Iran, those who think they have a solution to the problem rarely put it in the context of a broader strategy or explain their trade-offs and indirect consequences. Overall strategy and the ensuing consequences are precisely what we should be considering when debating Iran.

How do we solve a problem like Iran?

This question dominates the news once a year and every politician, pundit, and foreign policy expert has an answer to it. Helpfully, they reduce their answers to a single phrase around the likes of "sanctions" or "war". Then something else happens in the world and Iran and its nuclear program fade from the headlines until next year.

And every year these solutions contain the same flaw: they are not part of an overarching strategy. They are tactics. Those who push them never fully explain how they will solve this Iran problem.

In December, Iran threatened to close the Straits of Hormuz if further sanctions were imposed on the country. So began the perennial debate. Should the West attack or negotiate harder? Perhaps apply even more sanctions? The recent murder of an Iranian nuclear scientist led to op-eds advocating targeted killings as the best solution to the Iran problem.


As with previous debates
, few of those pushing these tactical policies put them in the context of a wider strategy. Few of them touched on the trade-offs and unintended consequences of their preferred one-phrase-solutions. We cannot come to an informed decision on what to do about Iran if the solutions are so underdeveloped.

The most underdeveloped is the call for war. It is not clear how military action would change the Iranian regime's view that a nuclear capability is essential to both its own security and that of the country. Those who push for an attack never offer a strategy that connects an airstrike with Tehran giving up a decades-old ambition. The assumption seems to be that if we blow stuff up then good things will happen.

The Iran debate is a spectrum: "negotiations" sit at the opposite end to "war". But negotiation has its flaws too.

One can argue that just as an attack on Iran would legitimize the regime, so could negotiations, as was the case with détente during the Cold War. The Israelis are particularly susceptible to this view, writes nuclear policy expert Mark Hibbs:

"At a time when Israel is bracing for a coming wave of democratic anti-Israeli sentiment from its newly-freed Arab neighbors, Israel will want to invest in a future Iran which, as in the past, was willing to live with Israel in peace. [That] would imply that Israel wouldn't be interested in a negotiated solution to the nuclear crisis that would legitimate Iran’s current rulers."

In the middle of the spectrum is the term "containment": applying restrained but continuous pressure against the regime until it yields to Western demands or is overthrown by the Iranian people. George F. Kennan devised containment as a way of avoiding war with the Russians and appeasing them, and many think that this is the best approach vis-á-vis Iran.

Both sanctions and targeted killing come under the rubric "containment" but they both have just as many trade-offs and indirect consequences as the extremes of the debate.

Though sanctions are seen by many as an alternative to war, they could lead to war if they are not more discriminating. Respected Iran scholar Gary Sick has warned that if the West completely shuts off the regime's oil revenues, they will lose the incentive to keep open the Straits of Hormuz. Any attempt by Tehran to close it would "risk a wider regional war".

The current debate was given further legs by the killing of Iranian scientist Mostafa Ahmadi Roshan on 11th January. Is targeted killing the answer, as some op-eds suggest?

As with the one-phrase-solutions discussed above, "targeted killing" has unpleasant trade-offs and indirect consequences. Murders like that of Roshan are acts of terrorism: if the United States were to make them policy then how it talks about terrorism would need to change. Instead of it being "barbaric", terrorism would become a tool of statecraft

So how do we solve a problem like Iran? The short answer is that nobody truly knows.

President Obama commented in an interview recently that "this isn't an easy problem, and anybody who claims otherwise doesn't know what they're talking about." But if we are to find the right solution to the Iran problem, then the standard of the debate needs to rise considerably.

Aaron Ellis writes about foreign affairs for Egremont, Thinking Strategically, and others.

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Paul-Robert  Lookman

February 7, 2012

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The author discusses a problem which he fails to define. Arguably, a phrase like “Iran and its nuclear programme” does not qualify. With the problem not defined, how can he discuss a solution?

To be sure about “the problem”, Israel, which has not signed the nuclear NPT and illegally possesses hundreds of nuclear weapons, declares that it is entitled to destroy the nuclear programme of Iran, a country that has signed the Treaty, repeatedly confirmed that the programme is for civilian purposes only and hence legitimate under international law. And to be clear, the IAEA has not produced any evidence of a military component to the programme. A casus belli because of Iranian nuclear weapons is as implausible as the Iraqi WMD at the time.

Where the author argues that it “is not clear how military action would change the Iranian regime's view that a nuclear capability is essential to both its own security and that of the country”, he is misrepresenting the facts. The Iranian government has stated over and again that it is not interested in nuclear weapons. The “regime” does not need them, and neither the country. What “decades-old ambition” is the author referring to? As regards the author’s quote of Mark Hibbs, it is not up to Israel or any other foreign power to “invest” in a future Iran [read: an Iran with a puppet regime, subservient to the West]. And again, what “nuclear crisis” is Hibbs talking about?

I find it hard to believe that the author is even considering illegitimate “solutions” such as “targeted killings”. All he seems to do is bemoan the “unpleasant trade-offs and indirect consequences.”

Quoting Gary Sick, the author seems to condone a “strategy” in which the West “completely shuts off the regime's oil revenues,” which in essence bring Iran’s economy to a complete stand-still and hence a straight act of war. To close the Strait of Hormuz in retaliation would be a natural consequence.

To answer the author’s final rhetoric question: many people feel that the West must choose between allowing Iran de develop nuclear weapons, and and attack before it has developed a nuclear weapon capability. But lots of people also know that there is a third option: a nuclear-free zone in the Middle East. Recent polls show that 64% of Israeli Jews is in favour of such a solution, even if it would involve the dismantling of the Israeli nuclear arsenal. Obviously, Iran would find is hard to refuse such a solution. Interestingly, last year the US immediately rejected an Egyptian initiative to this effect. However, the US has reluctantly agreed with a Finnish proposal to organize a NPT-conference on this issue. It will be interesting to see if Israel will attend, and co-operate.
 
Oliver  Hauss

February 8, 2012

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We don't need "more strategic thinking on Iran", we need more strategic thinking, period. The past 20 years (actually, far longer) have been wasted both in the Middle East and elsewhere by a collapse of strategic thought. Instead of defining strategic, political goals, and coming up with a strategy to achieve them, tactical and military goals were defined as they were much easier to achieve and required far less thought. And so Afghanistan was invaded, but despite the warning of what happened after the ouster of the Russians, despite the knowledge of its tribal culture, not only did the invasion forces let themselves be instrumentalized in petty wars (Hey, my neighbour is a Taliban, go and send some of your bomber planes to him!), but fostered them by doing precious little to solidify POLITICAL stability.

We saw the same in Iraq, where all that was handed out as a policy was "regime change" (and never mind the PR campaign to justify that) but despite full knowledge of the animosity between Shiites and Sunnites and between Kurds and the rest of Iraq, again, what plan existed as to what the old regime should be replaced with was flimsy at best. We've seen the consequences. And we've also seen that the powers that be prove stubbornly resistant to learning the lessons, as they deemed it sufficient to make sure Gaddhafi gets ousted in Libya while deciding that what happens thereafter is not an issue they need to concern themselves with. The consequences were not just revenge killings but also the looting of arsenals by who knows who. With the recent resurgence of Gaddhafi sympathizers in one area, we have the very real prospect of yet another failed state right at the doorstep of Europe.

Unless NATO as well as the US and European governments get their act together and start defining what they WANT and not just what they DON'T want, we'll see many more nations decend into chaos for the sake of "stability" and "world peace". As for Iran, at the moment, everyone talks about that the thought of an Iran with nuclear weapons is unacceptable. Again, we have a non-goal. No Taliban in Afghanistan (well, that's been revised by now), no Saddam Hussein in Iraq and no Ghaddafi in Libya. We've seen where these non-goals lead. When will we stop thinking only about what we do not want to happen and how to prevent it and start thinking of what we do want to happen and how to bring it about? It's easy to define such non-goals, especially when one cares little about how big the pile of shards one leaves behind. At the extreme end (which no sane person will pick) there's always the option called for by some radical contributors on internet fora after 9/11: Nuke the offending country into oblivion. That's hardly a sane option, but bombing a country back to the stone age is only marginally more so. Until we find more constructive solutions than "If it's broken, break it further", our problems are bound to multiply.
 
Jason  Naselli

February 9, 2012

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Not to be too flagrantly self-promotional, but this is a concept I've attempted to deal with in my own Iran article, that nobody is looking at the bigger picture. In this case, my argument is that we are starting from an inherently unfair standing on nuclear proliferation issues, so none of these tactics can appropriately mollify Iran and be acceptable to the wider international community.

Perhaps this is why so many commentators focus on tactics, because they realize that to discuss the overall strategy would be to discuss the patently unsustainable nuclear status quo and those dubious tools of "statecraft."

So what we may need is a genuine mediator, someone who can say the things no one on either side can say. One article proposed EU countries or the Union as a whole, but that still may be too western. I think China and Russia must be part of any Iran solution, otherwise it is just kicking the issue down the road for the sake of a temporary lull (a tactic widely favored by term-limited politicians, unfortunately). And for them to get involved, we must, as Aaron suggests, change the tone and topic of the conversation.
 

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