How do we solve a problem like Iran?
This question dominates the news once a year and every politician, pundit, and foreign policy expert has an answer to it. Helpfully, they reduce their answers to a single phrase around the likes of "sanctions" or "war". Then something else happens in the world and Iran and its nuclear program fade from the headlines until next year.
And every year these solutions contain the same flaw: they are not part of an overarching strategy. They are tactics. Those who push them never fully explain how they will solve this Iran problem.
In December, Iran threatened to close the Straits of Hormuz if further sanctions were imposed on the country. So began the perennial debate. Should the West attack or negotiate harder? Perhaps apply even more sanctions? The recent murder of an Iranian nuclear scientist led to op-eds advocating targeted killings as the best solution to the Iran problem.
As with previous debates, few of those pushing these tactical policies put them in the context of a wider strategy. Few of them touched on the trade-offs and unintended consequences of their preferred one-phrase-solutions. We cannot come to an informed decision on what to do about Iran if the solutions are so underdeveloped.
The most underdeveloped is the call for war. It is not clear how military action would change the Iranian regime's view that a nuclear capability is essential to both its own security and that of the country. Those who push for an attack never offer a strategy that connects an airstrike with Tehran giving up a decades-old ambition. The assumption seems to be that if we blow stuff up then good things will happen.
The Iran debate is a spectrum: "negotiations" sit at the opposite end to "war". But negotiation has its flaws too.
One can argue that just as an attack on Iran would legitimize the regime, so could negotiations, as was the case with détente during the Cold War. The Israelis are particularly susceptible to this view, writes nuclear policy expert Mark Hibbs:
"At a time when Israel is bracing for a coming wave of democratic anti-Israeli sentiment from its newly-freed Arab neighbors, Israel will want to invest in a future Iran which, as in the past, was willing to live with Israel in peace. [That] would imply that Israel wouldn't be interested in a negotiated solution to the nuclear crisis that would legitimate Iran’s current rulers."
In the middle of the spectrum is the term "containment": applying restrained but continuous pressure against the regime until it yields to Western demands or is overthrown by the Iranian people. George F. Kennan devised containment as a way of avoiding war with the Russians and appeasing them, and many think that this is the best approach vis-á-vis Iran.
Both sanctions and targeted killing come under the rubric "containment" but they both have just as many trade-offs and indirect consequences as the extremes of the debate.
Though sanctions are seen by many as an alternative to war, they could lead to war if they are not more discriminating. Respected Iran scholar Gary Sick has warned that if the West completely shuts off the regime's oil revenues, they will lose the incentive to keep open the Straits of Hormuz. Any attempt by Tehran to close it would "risk a wider regional war".
The current debate was given further legs by the killing of Iranian scientist Mostafa Ahmadi Roshan on 11th January. Is targeted killing the answer, as some op-eds suggest?
As with the one-phrase-solutions discussed above, "targeted killing" has unpleasant trade-offs and indirect consequences. Murders like that of Roshan are acts of terrorism: if the United States were to make them policy then how it talks about terrorism would need to change. Instead of it being "barbaric", terrorism would become a tool of statecraft
So how do we solve a problem like Iran? The short answer is that nobody truly knows.
President Obama commented in an interview recently that "this isn't an easy problem, and anybody who claims otherwise doesn't know what they're talking about." But if we are to find the right solution to the Iran problem, then the standard of the debate needs to rise considerably.
Aaron Ellis writes about foreign affairs for Egremont, Thinking Strategically, and others.



February 7, 2012
Paul-Robert Lookman, http://geopolitiek-in-perspectief.blogspot.com/, Platinum Contributor (280)
To be sure about “the problem”, Israel, which has not signed the nuclear NPT and illegally possesses hundreds of nuclear weapons, declares that it is entitled to destroy the nuclear programme of Iran, a country that has signed the Treaty, repeatedly confirmed that the programme is for civilian purposes only and hence legitimate under international law. And to be clear, the IAEA has not produced any evidence of a military component to the programme. A casus belli because of Iranian nuclear weapons is as implausible as the Iraqi WMD at the time.
Where the author argues that it “is not clear how military action would change the Iranian regime's view that a nuclear capability is essential to both its own security and that of the country”, he is misrepresenting the facts. The Iranian government has stated over and again that it is not interested in nuclear weapons. The “regime” does not need them, and neither the country. What “decades-old ambition” is the author referring to? As regards the author’s quote of Mark Hibbs, it is not up to Israel or any other foreign power to “invest” in a future Iran [read: an Iran with a puppet regime, subservient to the West]. And again, what “nuclear crisis” is Hibbs talking about?
I find it hard to believe that the author is even considering illegitimate “solutions” such as “targeted killings”. All he seems to do is bemoan the “unpleasant trade-offs and indirect consequences.”
Quoting Gary Sick, the author seems to condone a “strategy” in which the West “completely shuts off the regime's oil revenues,” which in essence bring Iran’s economy to a complete stand-still and hence a straight act of war. To close the Strait of Hormuz in retaliation would be a natural consequence.
To answer the author’s final rhetoric question: many people feel that the West must choose between allowing Iran de develop nuclear weapons, and and attack before it has developed a nuclear weapon capability. But lots of people also know that there is a third option: a nuclear-free zone in the Middle East. Recent polls show that 64% of Israeli Jews is in favour of such a solution, even if it would involve the dismantling of the Israeli nuclear arsenal. Obviously, Iran would find is hard to refuse such a solution. Interestingly, last year the US immediately rejected an Egyptian initiative to this effect. However, the US has reluctantly agreed with a Finnish proposal to organize a NPT-conference on this issue. It will be interesting to see if Israel will attend, and co-operate.