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Open Think Tank Articles
Corina Ciambur: Using as a case study the EU-Mexico Global Agreement, this article will try to offer an answer to one of the most intense academic polemics in the field of international trade: the compatibility between regionalism and multilateralism.
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Yam Ki Chan: The era of US unipolarity is coming to an end. The international order is heading towards multipolarity or non-polarity. To manage the upcoming challenges, the UN Security Council, and particularly the US, must take leadership to strengthen the United Nations and increase financial interdependence.
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Thomas Speckmann: Nicolas Sarkozy governs according to his own agenda, to the disadvantage of Europe. His political style is similar to the unilateral approach of President Bush, condemned by so many Europeans. France cannot continue to give its longstanding ally, Germany, the cold shoulder. Sarkozy must cease his go-it-alone policies and become “Sarkozy l’Européen.”
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Anna Wojnilko: Institutions for global governance must become more balanced; the United States and the European Union cannot continue to carry the onus of global decision-making on their own. The emerging economic powers must be given more say in multilateral organizations and also take on more international responsibility.
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Nikolas Kirrill Gvosdev: Despite the proclaimed cooperative approach, Franco-American tensions could grow bigger than under Chirac. Sarkozy’s Euro-Atlantic, yet independent, foreign policy moves could well be at odds with the next US president’s understanding of multilateralism.
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Sonja Davidovic: Through the changes in the global power structure resulting from the breakdown of the Soviet Union, the USA inevitably assumed the role of a “Global Leader”. This shifted position within the international community provided the American theorists of foreign policy with new tasks. It has become imperative to define the positioning of the USA in the modified global political landscape and to find a suitable strategic orientation of the activities in the field of foreign policy.
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Frank-Walter Steinmeier: For the past 60 years the transatlantic relationship has been the world’s transformative partnership. America’s relationship with Europe - more than with any other part of the world - enables both of us to achieve goals that neither of us could achieve alone.
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Nikolas Kirrill Gvosdev: I reject Rudolph Giuliani’s call to expand NATO membership to other, non-Western democracies. Adding states like Australia or India to “globalize” NATO would undermine its original and enduring purpose: collective security through Article 5.
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John Koenig: The transatlantic relationship is more complex—and more vital—than ever before. Responding to Egon Bahr’s article, I note that NATO is and should remain rooted in the transatlantic community.
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Egon Bahr: Europe must emancipate itself from the United States and take a stand for multilateralism. I see NATO expansion as an invitation for the US to continue to dominate the alliance—Europe should oppose it.
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Global Must Read Articles
Obama’s caution vis-à-vis Iran betrays the promises he made in Berlin during his election campaign. ++ The excuse that his only choice is between feeding views that America is “meddling” or virtual silence is unfounded. ++ He should seek a global statement which condemns the violence and supports the protesters, uniting the diverse nations already speaking out. ++ Obama, you spoke of
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The pledge for a new era of cooperation made by Joe Biden during the Security Conference in Munich has been received with great enthusiasm worldwide. ++ Europe is, however, slowly realizing that the cost of Obama’s multilateralism outweighs the benefits. ++ Caught in an unprecedented economic tempest, the European partners will be forced to concentrate on domestic matters instead of sending
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US liberalism has enjoyed popularity in cycles. ++ In the 1980s, liberal ideas were at a low as social unrest and low wages reflected “liberal governance [as] demanding far too much sacrifice.” ++ Obama is eager to revive the pre 1970s conception of liberalism and to that end he needs the stimulus plan to work, energy plans not to shed labor and the American hegemony to be revived
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Granted: times are difficult for Obama to take the lead and in his hands lies a combination of high expectations and hope. ++ The US and Europe ought to continue working together and some key ingredients ought to accompany their responses to global challenges: multilateralism, ruled based diplomacy, legitimacy, and centrality of leadership when moments of crisis arise. ++ This last point is
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With the changing Presidency comes new thinking on policy; how could the US shift away from Bush’s unilateralism towards cooperation with allies and multilateralism? ++ The policy of ‘going it alone’ is failing the US in Iraq and Afghanistan confirming the point that in a globalized, interdependent world unilateralism is insufficient. ++ In its military operations the US needs
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China’s behavior towards Pakistan is the first big pointer as to whether it will become a responsible stakeholder on the international stage. ++ Both the US and China have for too long engaged in a hands-off approach in Pakistan because of strategic considerations. ++ A coordinated effort from both countries to “bring multilateral pressure to bear on Pakistan” is needed. ++ To
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Globalization has rendered the G-8 increasingly insignificant; a new world order is at hand, in which emerging economies and the G-20 will play a key role. ++ Obama’s election will facilitate the reorientation of US foreign policy towards a more global focus. ++ Europe, on the other hand, will continue to find itself increasingly impotent if it does not embrace this strategic realignment. ++ The
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Europe may well come to regret the multilateralism it has been longing for from the US now that it is finally on the horizon. ++ European responses are uncertain should Obama call for funds, troops, and solidarity. ++ The EU should show willingness to intervene in the Congo. ++ Privileged European voting rights in the IMF should be rescinded to better reflect global GDP. ++ By putting into
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This is not the end of capitalism, but “the global financial system will never be the same again.” ++ Those responsible for the mess are now entrusted with cleaning it up. ++ Politicians had little choice: socialize the debt or sit and watch as depositors are sucked into the maelstrom. ++ The primary task of politicians should be to establish a system of credible international
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The unipolar moment after the Cold War passed as quickly as it emerged. ++ The new US president will suddenly see some decisions also being made in Beijing, Moscow, and Europe. ++ A league of democracies would be nonsense in the current geopolitical mess. ++ A “for-or-against”-the-US view would bring some definition to new poles but it would be more flexible than Bush depicted. ++ America’s
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In the era of globalization, there is no alternative to multilateralism. ++ But multilateralism can only function with an accepted leadership and within institutions which are capable of acting. ++ Both the G8 and the security council do not include all of today’s important powers. ++ The G8 is loosing influence and should be a group of 14 or 16 members. ++ Industrial countries have to offer
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Uncertainty in an emerging “new world order” has brought with it new approaches to the provision of multilateral responses. One concept gaining attention in the US is a ‘league of democracies’, an institutionalized body of nations with a strong transatlantic focus dedicated to concerted efforts based on common democratic beliefs. If elected, John McCain has promised to begin discussing the
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A power shift from West to East is taking place in the international system. ++ The question is whether states like Russia, China, and India will act unilaterally, bilaterally, or multilaterally. ++ US power decline and Chinese power rise suggest that Europeans “are best placed to make the case to China for working through international institutions” to draw them to multilateralism and make them
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In the prospect of US presidential elections all three candidates distance themselves from President Bush and promise more multilateralism in foreign policy and therefore burden sharing. ++ They forget that the US is the only hegemonic power and that the international community rests under the security umbrella of the US. ++ The next administration’s foreign policy will not be much more
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The last 16 years provide valuable hindsight into the grand strategic approach of the United States and highlight the need to reshape American foreign policy around the principle of restraint, argues Barry R. Posen, director of the security studies program at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
Writing for the American Interest, he points out that US policy makers have struggled to
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William H. Taft and Frances G. Burwell from the Atlantic Council advise the EU and US to coordinate their positions before the ICC review conference in 2009. The transatlantic partners must set an example for the rest of the world.
With the review conference on the International Criminal Court (ICC) coming up in 2009, a concerted transatlantic effort to build global consensus on international
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America has a “profound misunderstanding of the nature of power in world politics,” says Harvard professor Joseph S. Nye. Power is distributed at three levels: unipolar military relations among states, multipolar economic relations, and transnational issues outside the control of governments. The most urgent challenges faced by the US today, such as the Iraq war, global climate change, pandemics,
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Tufts University professor Daniel Drezner highlights the Bush administration’s recognition of the shifting geopolitical order. The author of All Politics is Global credits the US for its multilateral approach on incorporating China, India and other rising powers into a reconfigured foreign policy strategy. But there are clear obstacles to US leadership in twenty-first century international
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