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September 14, 2009 |  6 comments |  Print | E-Mail Your Opinion  

Péter  Marton

Topic Counter-Insurgency 4.0 is Needed in Northern Afghanistan

Péter Marton: Euro-discourse often derides Americans for not recognizing “complexity” around them. The opposite is true in Afghanistan. The European countries present in the North are not particularly interested in learning a lot about the social context they are operating in, and they are generally slow to adapt to changes in their area of operations.

Should Germany leave Afghanistan? Is that the lesson of the recent airstrike in Kunduz? Not so fast. The incident near the city of Kunduz just happened to be the first since McChrystal's new counterinsurgency guidelines came out. But it had certainly better not be repeated. At this point, it remains to be seen if no similar tragedies occur in the future, as a result of similar decisions by American and other allied troops there. Incidents like this happened on numerous occasions in the past, and they may happen in the future - and who knows what the more distant future might hold if some of the influential pundits eventually get their way and have Afghanistan policy return "off-shore:" to relying on counterterrorism by bombs and missiles.

It is certainly a case for everyone to draw lessons from.

A stated purpose of bombing the stolen fuel tankers was to deny insurgents the opportunity to use them in an attack on the German base in Kunduz. For this, damaging the vehicles was required. But, for example, why not have rather a show-of-force flown over the target first, to clear the area of people? How is word from an informer, who reportedly needed to give a matching description of the scene to let the tactical operations center ascertain his presence near the site, reliable enough to prefer straight-off dropping a bomb in the middle of a very large group of people?

That this is enemy-centricity, is something even those not familiar with COINspeak may sense immediately.

Some more historical illustration: when US and British aircraft were flying sorties over the Iraqi No-Fly-Zones in the 1990s, they regularly had to bomb air defence sites deliberately set up in urban areas by Saddam Hussein's regime. Then also, it became imperative to avoid civilian casualties. Concrete-filled bombs came to be used therefore. A simple idea, which already could have reduced civilian casualties in Afghanistan, too, at times.

For this, one needs to go beyond hoping for mass kills against insurgents, and only go for so much destruction as can be safely expected to work for the larger political objectives, based on actually available information.

The Kunduz airstrike may be an as-yet premature example of an otherwise more general problem with Germany and other countries that have troops deployed in the relatively safer west and north of Afghanistan, namely that while in terms of doctrine the US is already following Approach 3.0, these countries are just going through the motions in pursuit of Approach 1.0 - and it would take something better than Approach 3.0 at least to win at this point. Euro-discourse often derides Americans for not recognizing "complexity" around them. The opposite is true in Afghanistan. The European countries present in the north are not particularly interested in learning a lot about the social context they are operating in, and they are generally slow to adapt to changes in their area of operations.

The essence of their policy is to survive the mission, not investing a lot in figuring out ways to make it work. But this alienation from the mission by governments, ministries and militaries alike may just continue to push up the price of something that one may have to pay for, or keep on paying for, anyway.

Being there and going through the motions is certainly insufficient in countering the spread of the insurgency, carefully orchestrated from safe havens well away from Kunduz, but in need of local agents and a wider constituency.

Germany's northern undertaking, once thought of as proportionally contributing to NATO's post-conflict peace-building effort, mainly by troops' mere presence on the ground, is now more aptly described as pre-conflict, and in places already in-conflict, peace-building - if such a term makes sense at all. But one could as well call it counterinsurgency. Importantly, it is a term that has an advantage over simply concluding that one is at war, as opposed to peace: it says more about what is needed in response.

Péter Marton is currently a research fellow of the Corvinus University of Budapest. He blogs about Afghanistan at http://statefailure.blogspot.com.

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Tags: | counterinsurgency | Kunduz | Germany | ISAF | NATO | Afghanistan |
 
Comments
Bernhard  Lucke

September 14, 2009

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I disagree with this description of the "complexity" of the Afghan war theater and Peter Martons suggestions how to handle operations better. In my opinion, the piece above demonstrates complete unfamiliarity with military decisions on the ground. Casualties like during the tanker bombing are a normal feature of modern warfare. Collateral damage is simply the rule of the fight against Afghan rebels, because it is not possible to separate "Taliban" from villagers - except when they shoot at you.

From my point of view, the idea of a "clean war" is ridiculous and immoral. What a funny idea to "warn" insurgents by several flights over, or using cement bombs (especially if you consider that the tanker thieves were monitored from the air all the time). Should the inhabitants of Hiroshima and Nagasaki have been warned by such flights as well? This dangerous illusive thinking and all too often used to marginalize the cruelty of war.

From a military point of view, I think the decision to bomb the trucks was completely right, and the high death toll might have in fact some deterring impact. However, we must be aware that force will not solve our problems in Afhganistan. In fact, it is the core of the problem, and due to our failed or absent strategy.

The "complexity" in Afghanistan can be described with a few simple lines, as did Brian McCarthy (see http://www.atlantic-community.de/index/articlesview/Germany_is_ISAF...):

"[...] What occurred in Afghanistan is that a foreign army took up occupation of the state with the connivance of one of the many tribal chiefs who was, in time-honoured fashion, appointed as president of the country by the power of same invading army.The reason for the invasion is quite simplistic - to extract maximum revenge on a bunch of thugs calling themselves Al Qaida who carried out an atrocity in the USA and who are hiding out in the mountains. To cloak this piece of imperialist lash-back in claims that the invasion is to bring democracy by force to the Afghan people, is simply not credible and is drawing more and more recruits to join the rag-tag forces trying to oust the invaders. Of course this will lead to great numbers of citizens being swept up in the swirling conflict with their lives completely disrupted by the actions on both sides of the conflict. [...]"

The actual situation in Afghanistan exactly resembles the Soviet problem of the 80ties: Due to the lack of a political vision, it is attempted to resolve the conflict militarily. Similar to the Soviet strategy, now the Afghan allies shall handle it and the Afghan army be built in a manner that allows the withdrawal of western forces.

If that goal is realistic or not may not be easy to decide: it should be remembered that the Nadjibullah regime managed to stay in power for several years after the Soviet withdrawal, and eventually only fell when the new Jeltzin government stopped its aid and supplies.

However, from a geo-strategic point of view I find it very questionable whether it is worth to invest such huge resources for killing some terrorists. It is crystal clear that we are actually breeding terrorism in Afghanistan, not reducing it. But perhaps Afghanistan's occupation also serves the interests of a small minority of CEOs, and helps maintaining fossil structures of the economy, especially the energy market.

In any case, it is already now clear NATO's engagement in Afghanistan is a gross political failure, and very questionable from a moral point of view. It will remain a failure as long as no political solution is found, which should mean that Afghans themselves and not only the puppets of the west decide about the fate of their country.
 
Péter  Marton

September 14, 2009

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Bernhard,

I am sorry to break it to you, but your solution to the challenges of "combatant identification" is apparently a nuclear bomb. No offence meant, but it does seem as though you would be saying that if you can't distinguish between combatants and non-combatants, you will rather go for killing them all at least sometimes.

As to shows-of-force, they are flown every single day. Never mind if you didn't know this.

But you do show ignorance as well, as you write above that the target was under observation all the time. It wasn't - and you haven't yet adressed the issue of why a targer like this should be watched on camera, and not with actual eyes on the ground, a few kilometres from the ISAF base in Kunduz (in fact there was even an ANA post nearby).

At the end of your comment, it is beyond me to understand how you start to argue that things can't be solved militarily, once you clearly disagree with me when I say that you don't have to kill people just because you are in a position to drop a bomb on their head.

Your mention of the idea of a "clean war" is totally out of place. Putting civilians at risk is certainly always ugly. Would you like to be bombed if a bankrobber takes refuge in your neighbourhood? I guess not. But in reality you're totally missing the point there. The point in my article was that killing civilians, as it happened in this case, is even extremely counterproductive.

As to your fantasy Afghanistan of tribes fighting occupation... don't even get me started.
 
Marek  Swierczynski

September 15, 2009

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I couldn't agree more with Bernhard. When there's a war, people die. When you're in a war, you shoot and kill, or you get shoot at and killed yourself. Deterrance does matter. The enemy is ruthless, they kill, steal, cheat and deceive. Members of joint ANA-ISAF patrols never know if their local brother in arms is not a traitor. Many of ISAF soldiers died betrayed by their local co-workers. ISAF should not be a sitting duck and Col. Klein, even if he breached procedures, tried to defend his soldiers and his mission. I guess no one wants to accuse him of deliberately willing to kill civilian villagers. There are no such things as clean wars and humanitarian weapons. These villagers knew who the stolen tankers belong to, they should have expected some kind of action by NATO forces and they should have run for safety. The brutal reality is that you should not pick up a fight if you're not ready to use all means to win. Perhaps this reality wasn't communicated to the ISAF-contributing countries and this is one of NATO failures.
 
Péter  Marton

September 15, 2009

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Marek,

I respect your views on world affairs, and I regularly read your op-eds - but in this case you are wrong in your approach.

The difference between peace and war is not that in the former one hands out blankets and mineral water for some fancy psy-ops, while in the latter one shoots everyone or goes plain reckless and shrugs if things go south.
 
John  Hadjisky

September 26, 2009

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Mr. Marton,

"why not have rather a show-of-force flown over the target first"

According to the Washington Post article that you linked, a B-1B bomber loitered over the site for 10 minutes before returning to base without attacking. The B-1B is a massive aircraft, see http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/B-1B#Specifications_.28B-1B.29. If it was anywhere near the area, even at night, it would have been heard quite clearly by anyone on the ground. The second aircraft was a smaller fighter, but they make a lot of noise too. It also loitered in the area taking video before attacking. This was not a case of "straight-off dropping a bomb" as you put it.

Did it occur to you that the mere presence of this giant craft was a show of force, even if the bomber didn't perform a formal fly-over or similar maneuver?

Furthermore, from the same article,

'"[Insurgents] came to everyone's house asking for help," said Mirajuddin, a shopkeeper who lost six of his cousins in the bombing -- none of whom, he said, was an insurgent. "They started beating people and pointing guns. They said, 'Bring your tractors and help us.' What could we do?" '

Presumably, the Taliban were anticipating an ISAF response. If so, they exploited those villagers not just for their tractors and muscles, but also for use as human shields. That would be a war crime. Isn't that worth at least a passing remark?

It is interesting to speculate what might have happened if there had been a formal fly-over. This tactic has been used in Iraq, Afghanistan, Palestine, and many other places. It might have saved some civilian and Taliban lives. But some desperate or greedy civilians might have decided to take their chances, and others would have been unable to flee for fear of being shot by the Taliban, plus additional retaliation against their families in the future. The fly-over might have given the Taliban the opportunity to force additional villagers into service, in order to increase the casualty count.

Worse, because of the obviousness of the fly-over tactic, Islamist propagandists have a well-developed response: they allege that fly-overs are intended not to save civilians but to further terrorize them. My point is simply that sometimes, well-intended but obvious and predictable tactics, such as a fly-over, can be twisted into a propaganda asset by the enemy. In counter-insurgency, it is sometimes better to be unpredictable.

Regarding your idea for a concrete bomb:

"[a local child] probably would not have been alive had the airstrike coordinator at Klein's command center not rejected the F-15 pilot's recommendation to use 2,000-pound bombs on the trucks, which would have created far wider devastation. Instead, the coordinator demanded that 500-pound GBU-38 bombs be used."

So the commander already took action to save lives, by ordering a smaller bomb. It is therefore safe to assume that he picked the smallest bomb that was a) available to him, b) that would be sure to destroy the entire fuel shipment. Did it occur to you that a concrete bomb might have disabled the truck (which would seem redundant as it was already stuck in the mud) but left the fuel in place?

Anyone not on-scene, and who doesn't have very specific training and knowledge, should be VERY reluctant to second-guess Col. Klein's tactics.

On-scene experts, such as Gen. McChrystal, have pointed to Klein's real mistake: counter-insurgency requires fighting misinformation, so there is a standing order requiring a ground mission to inspect the site of the bombing ASAP. This mission helps refute the usual rumors and propaganda (as well as issue compensation and apologies to any true civilian victims). See http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/09/06/AR2...

As McChrystal proved, a visit to the site was not only possible, it was (relatively speaking!) safe and revealed that a surprising number of locals supported the attack. For example,

' "I don't agree with the rumor that there were a lot of civilian casualties," said one key local official, who said he did not want to be named because he fears Taliban retribution. "Who goes out at 2 in the morning for fuel? These were bad people, and this was a good operation." '

This is a sign that the existing counter-insurgency strategy has been partially successful, in that region at least.

As to the bigger question - the need for COIN 4.0, whatever that is...I suggest patience.

COIN 3.0, whatever that is, only started in Afghanistan about a year ago. Proposing a major revision to the strategy at the first signs of controversy is foolish. When Bush rolled out COIN (1.0?) in Iraq, there was pressure for immediate results and many claims that it had already failed, when in fact it had barely begun. Have we learned nothing from that earlier, irresponsible speculation?
 
Péter  Marton

October 7, 2009

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Hi John,

Thanks for the comment - I only saw it now, as I presumed the discussion of my article ended back on September 15. Belatedly and briefly, I'll still reply.

- Saving some civilians with a show-of-force that doesn't save everyone? Why not.

- The overall point of my article? Don't bomb in a situation like this.

- My message about the use of concrete bombs? Not that they should have been used here. That was just an argument added to illustrate how enemy-centricity can give way to context-specific creative thinking.

- That the fuel would have remained intact if only the trucks are damaged? Doesn't bother me too much. It's not like the Taliban would have operated its vast fleet of technicals (ekhm, motorcycles mainly) on that fuel.

- Locals happy about the bombing? Seriously? Some people, with all sorts of interests, for sure, but not the villagers primarily concerned...

- Is second-guessing alright? Forget this question and forget Colonel Klein. What's important is that observers can and should try to find out what will work in the future and what won't. And of course feel free to second-guess me on any presumed smartness I throw into the debate.
 

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