There is a virus spreading fast in Europe. It is not the new H1N1 flu, well known as swine influenza, which is being energetically battled by the EU. Against this new aggressive political virus that I speak of, there seems to be no remedy. The two immediate symptoms of illness are the political blockade imposed on a European country because of the objections of just one EU member state. The second is the utter indifference in Brussels and other EU capitals to the issue.
Macedonia has been suffering from this virus for 17 years already. Most recently, it has spread to Croatia, in a severe way. Ivo Sanader, the reformist Croatian Prime Minister and most dedicated “European” in the Balkans, saw no remedy and, frustrated, he resigned from his position. Perceived betrayal by Europe, and in particular German politicians, was said to be the reason for his withdrawal from politics.
In the most recent case the virus centres on Slovenia’s dispute over its maritime border with Croatia. However, the common border is an internationally accepted and legal fact. Slovenia is demanding nothing less than dissociation from the principle that the integrity of international borders must be maintained. However outrageous such demands sound in the modern era Slovenia is successfully blocking Croatia’s EU entry.
What is at issue in Macedonia is not just the country’s name, but also its national identity and language, all of which are fundamental entitlements enshrined in the international right to self determination. Even though 120 countries have recognised Macedonia under its constitutional name (including the UN veto powers USA, Russia and China), Macedonia’s neighbour Greece, which formed a district named Macedonia in 1988, refuses to do so.
This illness has become so effective because both Croatia and Macedonia are EU candidate countries. Neither Greece nor Slovenia can be said to be conforming with the acceptance protocol of the EU’s “Copenhagen criteria” for accession candidates. In the case of Macedonia, Greece is also using the same tactic to block its entry into NATO.
Croatia and Macedonia seemingly have no chance against the blockades of their respective neighbours, who are members of the “ EU club”. The response from Brussels is indifferent and often nothing more than the weak diplomatic response “that this is a bilateral issue”.
However, this virus is essentially now taking the EU hostage, using it to pursue the nationalist aims of certain members. Both Macedonia and Croatia have implemented significant reforms in the last few years in order to meet all the conditions for the accession to NATO and the EU. In particular, this has involved constitutional changes, decentralisation, deregulation, reforms to the justice system, better protection of ethnic minorities and fighting organised crime. They have also both met all the “Copenhagen criteria” for accession says the EU Commission. But still both countries will not be given membership because of the nationalist inspired vetoes of just one neighbour, respectively Slovenia and Greece. Infected by this nationalist virus, the EU refuses to act against the flagrant violation of its highest principles.
While vaccination is probably the only effective way to protect against swine influenza, the solution to the nationalist virus is to encourage EU diplomats to speak out. With both Slovenia and Greece violating basic rules of the EU and the international community this cannot continue without consequences!
Professor Wolfgang Stock is teaching Journalism at the European University Viadrina, Frankfurt (Oder)/Germany.
Previous Balkan Week articles on Atlantic Community:
- Balkan Week: Could Current Conflicts Spark a New Balkan War?
- Balkan Week: Daniel Korski: Solving Europe's Bosnia Crisis
- Balkan Week: Elizabeth Pond: Kosovo: Balkan Success Story and Future EU member?
- Balkan Week: Tomislav Marsic: The Blocked Bloc




August 7, 2009
Colette Grace Mazzucelli, Hofstra University / New York University, Platinum Contributor (333)
Thank you for your commentary. I agree with your analysis. My question concerns the consensus rule in the Union.
Do you believe that this matter will be judged sufficiently threatening to European interests across a series of accession cases in time that some form of abstention in voting may eventually be urged on recalcitrant member states in this vital area?
If this is not the case, what type of leverage in negotiations on other issues could the Union and/or specific member states exert on Greece and Slovenia to change the dynamic with regard to accession for the candidate countries?
In the case of Macedonia and NATO entry, this difficulty continues as the new Secretary General begins his tenure. It will be informative to observe how the issue of institutional enlargement is addressed in this context, particularly as negotiations regarding the new strategic concept evolve.
All the best and greetings from New York, Professor Colette Mazzucelli