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December 9, 2010 |  8 comments |  Print | E-Mail Your Opinion  

Implementing NATO's Strategic Concept

Felix F. Seidler: After its recent summit, NATO needs a plan for the implementation of its new strategic concept. The alliance cannot afford the achievements of the summit to fizzle out. Tax payers should demand that the pretensions of “active engagement” and “modern defence” be underlined by concrete actions.

NATO's recently adopted Strategic Concept (StratCon2010) offers the right wording. In general, “active engagement” and “modern defense” are the right steps forward. However, despite the accent on new security challenges, some areas are not described in detail. Hence, after political consensus has been found, the concept needs a plan for practical implementation. Otherwise, the alliance may lose the coherence found in Lisbon. 

The alliance is absolutely right in aiming to “promote security with partners around the globe”, and to counter “new threats” in an “unpredictable world”. However, some of the main points of StratCon2010 are in the wrong order. Proliferation, (no's 8 and 9) and terrorism, (no. 10) are prioritized before cyber and energy security (no's 12 and13).

If the concept wants to fit to Madeleine Albright's motto of “NATO 2020”, the accentuation is wrong. But NATO needs a clear line to act towards 2020. Secretary General Rasmussen pointed out, that Lisbon would be the most important summit in NATO's history. However, there would be repercussions for the perception of the alliance, if the result of such a summit were to fizzle out. Therefore, NATO has to pay greater attention in practice towards cyber and energy security, which will increase in importance in the years to 2020.

Of course, proliferation and terrorism, especially in cases of Iran and Al-Qaeda, will remain important topics. Nevertheless, cyber and energy will overrule both issues. Technical developments will make government's actions, even in cases counter-terrorism/proliferation, dependent on cyber infrastructure. Counterterrorism depends on the sharing of states intelligence data, which is necessarily done via electronic networks. Additionally, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction cannot be tackled without computers being used as analyzing instruments. Furthermore, terrorists are likely to seek cyber space as new theatre. In sum, if there is no secure cyber space, there will be no successful fight against proliferation and terrorism.    

However, the wording of StratCon2010's 12th point speaks for itself by pointing out that cyber attacks “can reach a threshold that threatens national and Euro-Atlantic prosperity, security and stability”. Technical advancement and diversification will enhance this issue. Doubtlessly, such wording makes it undeniable that cyber security is a top priority. Thus, it will be important to turn the insight into practice.  

StratCon2010 underlines that NATO member's “energy supplies are increasingly exposed to disruption”. Thus, the vital dependence on supplies makes energy security a top tier priority. Counterterrorism, however, is widely a tier within energy security. For example, instability in infrastructure caused by terrorism, in resource rich countries would affect the alliance's energy security. Furthermore, parts of the proliferation issue are Western worries, that a nuclear missile armed Iran, might affect oil and gas supplies coming from the Gulf.

Moreover, StratCon2010 lacks a paragraph on maritime security. In different paragraphs the concept mentions a number of things, which are necessarily maritime, like “global engagement”, “deployability”, “missile defense” (based on US warships) and “protecting transit areas and lanes”. Thus, these issues combined with the factors of growing naval armament worldwide and disaster relief; make future naval theatres more likely for NATO. Certainly, the absence of a paragraph laying out a coherent maritime policy will complicate future decisions in this policy field. Any revision of StratCon2010 or discussions about an implementation plan, therefore, has to include the development of a maritime paragraph as a political guidance.

Beside the pointing and wording, it is more important that the alliance makes the right priorities in its future policy and operational practice. During the foreign minister's meeting in 2011 and the next summit 2012, transatlantic leaders must implement written words into concrete policy.

Nevertheless, this cannot mean wordy "nice to read" declarations according to a few of the concept's paragraphs. As NATO has done much for its public diplomacy and gained greater attention, it can not afford to be inactive. Otherwise, tax payers may ask themselves why they paid for a process which has no concrete outcomes. Therefore, the alliance has to satisfy its citizens as well as to demonstrate that alliance cohesion is living. However, if the alliance wants to engage actively and defend itself in a modern manner, it needs a coherent implementation plan, which, of course, has to be acted upon.

Felix Seidler is a student of Political Science, Law and History at Würzburg University.

 

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Paul-Robert  Lookman

December 11, 2010

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The author comments upon the outcome NATO summit meeting. He misses a paragraph on maritime security and suggests a different prioritization of challenges. His key problem is the lack of an implementation plan.

Interestingly, the author misses the cracks in NATO resulting from the shifts in international relations and the economic and political differences between the members, incl. disputes over currency matters and exports. The new NATO strategy is nothing more than a verbal compromise between divergent interests. There was grosso modo agreement on the growing role of the military, but disagreements about the strategic direction of the alliance. Deep differences on how to deal with Russia remain. Moscow may have agreed to participate in the missile defence shield, but nothing is settled.

Those seem the elements that should raise questions, not the implementation of a strategy which by no means is warranted.
 
Unregistered User

December 11, 2010

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Mr Lookman

1. "disputes over currency matters and exports."
How do they effect NATO? Seriously, please let us know.

2. "Deep differences on how to deal with Russia remain."
Please mention five such deep differences.

3. "The new NATO strategy is nothing more than a verbal compromise between divergent interests."
Why is that bad? Every democratic group effort is a compromise of divergent interests. Are you prefering Chinese, Russian, Cuban, Venezuelan, Iranian regimes, that do not require such compromises?

4. "He misses a paragraph on maritime security"
What punishment does the author face now?


 
Paul-Robert  Lookman

December 11, 2010

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Ms Vogel:
The European allies are cutting capabilities out of economic necessity. This worries Washington, as the US must cover the gaps. Eastern European members continue to seek defence against Russia, so require a continued American military presence in Europe. Germany opposes: does a lot of business with Russia, depends on Russian energy and hence wants better relations between NATO and Russia. Ukraine and Georgia are still on NATO’s wish list, but this meets with fierce resistance from Moscow.

Russia’s co-operation with the missile defence system is stillborn as it will never be treated as an equal partner, never get the full information. In the current lame-duck period,where President Obama has spent his political capital, ratification in Congress of the START treaty hangs in the doldrums. Large segments in Russia’s political and military elite, among which Prime Minister Putin, remain skeptical about a co-operation with NATO. It was interesting to see that immediately after the summit Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao visited subsequently Russian Prime Minister Putin and President Medvedev, when security matters were on the agenda.

Again, the new NATO strategy is nothing more than a verbal compromise between divergent interests. The different factions were able to agree only at the last minute. Turkey remains a big question mark. So, essentially, with most members having paid lip service to big brother USA, nothing has been firmly settled. Consequently, I would argue that one should show concern over the cracks in the alliance, rather than emphasizing the due implementation of a strategy which by no means is warranted. Finally, let us not forget that Turkey remains a big question mark in this equation.
 
Unregistered User

December 11, 2010

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Germany is not opposing a US miltiary presence in Europe. What makes you write such nonsense?

"Ukraine and Georgia are still on NATO’s wish list"
But not on top of the wishlist.

Yes, China is concerned about NATO-Russia rapproachement.
Russia's security threats come from Asia, including China.

The only deep division you can think of is START? That division is just inside the US and most likely temporary.

"skeptical about a co-operation with NATO"
So what? "skeptical" is not so bad considering that only 20 years ago, Russia and NATO were mortal enemies. Of course everybody is still "skeptical". We are going on new territory here.

So, please give NATO and Russia some credit for the rapproachment in Lisbon

 
Paul-Robert  Lookman

December 11, 2010

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Ms Vogel:
“Germany is not opposing a US miltiary presence in Europe.” --> ALL traditional NATO members oppose the prolonged American military presence since the implosion of the Soviet Union. That includes Germany.

“What makes you write such nonsense?” --> Shall we keep it civilized, Ms Vogel?

"Ukraine and Georgia are still on NATO’s wish list" – “But not on top of the wishlist.” The issue was top of the agenda, may have dropped a few priorities following the Russian reaction, but still high enough on the US wish list to keep the Russians on their toes…

“Yes, China is concerned about NATO-Russia rapproachement. Russia's security threats come from Asia, including China.” --> I feel you are turning things upside down. All self-respecting international political analysts write about the encirclement of China by the US and its allies, US naval manoeuvres in Korean waters, US/SKorean doubtful claims about the sinking of the Chenoan, the paranoid American reaction when the former Japanese prime minister wanted the closure of one of the eight US naval bases in Okinawa… Please see my article “How Superpower America Tries to Safeguard its Dominant Position in Asia” - http://www.atlantic-community.org/index/articles/view/How_Superpowe...

“The only deep division you can think of is START?” --> No, in the preamble of my first reaction to you I mentioned a number of divisions among NATO members about its future role…

Since you insist that I should give some credit to NATO/Russia rapproachment, if it is of any interest to you, I have published a first article on my blog http://geopolitiek-in-perspectief.blogspot.com/ on the outcome of the Lisbon summit, and - in view of the complexity and volume of the issue - four more will follow every Monday, starting 13/12. The articles are written in Dutch, which you could run through an on-line translator. And they are all provided with footnotes to sources…
 
Unregistered User

December 12, 2010

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1. "ALL traditional NATO members oppose the prolonged American military presence since the implosion of the Soviet Union. That includes Germany."

Evidence please.


2. " I mentioned a number of divisions among NATO members about its future role"

I am still waiting for you to name a few of these: "Deep differences on how to deal with Russia remain."
 
Paul-Robert  Lookman

December 12, 2010

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Ms Vogel:
Please join Atlantic Community, complete your profile and let us have the benefit of your thought about author’s article. I will then answer any remaining questions.
 
Mike  McCormack

December 13, 2010

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A lot of valid points in this article. Perhaps I can briefly address the author's point on maritime security: I think a lot of it has to do with several of the members experiencing a dilemma between their security policies vis-a-vis the EU and NATO. One example of this is the EU's counter-piracy Operation Atalanta mission in the Gulf of Aden. This has involved several countries who are members of both the EU and NATO, a few EU member/non-NATO countries (Sweden, Finland, Malta, Cyprus, Ireland), and a country that is a possible EU aspirant but has turned away from NATO membership as of late (Ukraine). A couple of the NATO members who participate in Atalanta have also participated in multinational commands that have been driven primarily by the US and British navies. Ultimately it may be a matter of not wanting to commit fully to one side or the other, particularly as there are major contributors who can easily participate in these operations under one umbrella but not the other (Sweden under the EU framework, US/Canada/Norway under NATO).
 

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