In September 2010, Obama launched bilateral meetings in Washington in order to resume the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. Mahmoud Abbas, Benjamin Netanyahu, King Abdullah of Jordan, and Hosni Mubarak were invited. At the same time, George Mitchell expressed the US's will to engage in negotiations between Syria, Israel, and Lebanon.
However, Syria, which has not yet signed a peace deal with Israel and shelters many leaders of the Palestinian resistance, was not represented. Damascus did not hide its scepticism about the American initiative, especially as Hamas, which has predicted the failure of the talks, was not participating. Consequently, headway on the Israeli-Palestinian talks will be considerably limited as long as the internal split within Palestine remains unsolved.
While Egypt has failed to reconcile the Palestinians, Syria appears today as the last hope to defuse the situation. Recently, Hamas and Fatah have engaged in talks in Damascus, which shows Syria's will to play a role in Palestinian politics. The question that one can raise is about the extent of Syrian will to force Hamas to make concessions. For Syria, Hamas serves as leverage in its struggle with Israel. Hence, overcoming disagreements between Hamas and Fatah would necessitate Syrian engagement but, Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad needs guarantees before promoting such a policy.
It is not unattainable. Damascus has endeavoured for a few years to improve its relations with the international community. Dialogue has resumed with France and to a lesser extent with the US. In addition, Syria has started negotiations with Israel through Turkish intermediaries. Despite being cut off in the aftermath of the 2009 war in Gaza, Syria has recently sent out signals of its readiness to carry on indirect talks. On the Israeli side, despite strong internal opposition, many military and intelligence members support an Israeli withdrawal from the Golan Heights. Indeed, they consider that it is no longer a real strategic asset and for them, and signing a peace deal with Syria would weaken its ties with Hamas and Iran.
Further Syrian engagement could be gained by deeper US involvement. In fact, President Bashar relies on Hamas and other Palestinian factions waging war on Israel, as they provide him with an asset to negotiate with Israel. It is less than probable that Damascus would relinquish such a trump card without an Israeli commitment to give back the Golan Heights. Furthermore, only the US has enough influence to bring about the success of such negotiations. The French government has long tried to favour peace negotiations between Israel and Syria, which has been on its agenda since Sarkozy held out his hand to Bashar in the wake of the Doha agreement in 2008. Recently, the French president nominated one of his most outstanding diplomats, Jean-Claude Cousseran, as special envoy to revive the Israeli-Syrian track. Nevertheless, Syria opposed this effort and Bashar repeated his will to retain Turkey as mediator.
Is this proof of a lack of Syrian goodwill? It should rather be interpreted as proof of Syrian pragmatism. Bashar knows perfectly well that France has no power over Israel and cannot provide significant guarantees. Moreover, it is crucial for him to keep strong ties with Turkey in order to balance his alliance with Iran. Besides, Damascus is well aware that the US is the only player able to influence Israel. In that sense, Syrian officials have appeared to be critical towards Obama's weak engagement and disappointed by his policy. The US President would have a great interest in focussing on the Israeli-Syrian track.
One may be sceptical, but Syrian behaviour over the last months on two crucial issues: Israel and Lebanon should be looked at. Bashar's official visit to Beirut in late July 2010 is significant of his will to hold Hezbollah back and preserve stability in Lebanon. Moreover, Damascus has made public declarations in early October underlining its readiness to restart the negotiations with Israel. These recent events are an opportunity for Obama administration to focus further on Syria. This approach would bolster progress on both the Israeli and Iranian issues.
France has no power to activate the Israeli-Syrian talks. The US does, but has not yet engaged in true efforts to revive it. Maybe Obama should have French advisors.
Baudouin Long holds a scholarship for Arabic Studies from the French Minister for Higher Education and Research at the French department for Arabic Studies in Cairo. He studied Politics at Sciences-Po Aix and Middle Eastern studies at King's College London.
Related articles on atlantic-community.org:
- Turkish-Israeli Cooperation and Regional Security
- Channeling "Nixon Goes to China" in the Middle East



November 5, 2010
Meital Tzobotaro, NYU, Center for Global Affairs, Silver Contributor (41)
My hope is that as Iran gains power and continues its nuclear program, it will serve as the former soviet union was to the U.S., Japan, and European alliance. As harsh as this may sound, national security is sometimes the best solution to conflicted states since it gives them a common threat to unite against.