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March 16, 2009 |  Print | E-Mail Your Opinion  

Johannes  Gunesch

Security is Central to Global Governance

Johannes Gunesch: The lack of a commonly accepted global approach means that alternative regional approaches outside of traditional organizations such as the UN will become more common.

In 2020, there will be no commonly accepted normative base. Thus, there will be no genuine global governance. Why is that? Global governance, essentially, is a reality in the making; take, for example, the issue of security. Since the UN's 1994 Human Development Report, security has become a global issue. While security concerns intensify, its components mutually reinforce each other. The critical impediment is that in addition to the realm of human and national security a third one of global scale emerges. The latter encompasses for example scarcity of resources, climate change or international terrorism.

While it could be expected that security concerns render global cooperation more likely, the prevalence of national security interests in the midst of global insecurity undermine the prospect of global governance. Here, the cause for global governance gets normative. In 2020 even more so than today, the abundance of problems on a global scale and the simultaneous lack of solutions will cause a cognitive dissonance. Learning from psychology, the negative consequences of such a state of mind can only be reduced if the conceptual approach towards the problem and its solution changes. That change, however, is unlikely to happen in favor of global governance.

Instead another antagonism is likely to unfold. Traditional organizations like the UN will decrease in importance, while alternatives on the regional level of the international system will continue to gain significance. Accordingly, as opposed to economic globalization, the corresponding transformation in the realm of security will create three relatively coherent regional entities: North America, Europe and East Asia.

Global governance will thereby retrograde into regional governance as a practical necessity at the expense of global governance. The reason for that is that Germany, for example, will only find its security-concerns satisfied alongside European integration. In arcane opposition to the global competitors with whom there is no common normative base, regional familiarities are more important than global accord. Or take China and India; while not yet having acquired enough political power to change the status quo decisively, they will have to overcome regional animosities in order to succeed in global security-matters.

In 2020, the absence of a single organizing principle should be derived from the myriad of competing control mechanisms. Stipulated by competing normative approaches to the governance of national security and prevailing transnational threats to security, regional governance is the obvious means. In the ever more disaggregating realm of international relations there exists no such thing as a grand logic that could rightfully postulate a measure of global coherence. Acknowledging that would mean a crucial transition from programmatic hubris to pragmatic temperance.

So far, any endeavor to establish a common set of universal norms and rules will fail if it goes beyond an essentialist understanding of the alleged commonalities. That is definitely not sufficient for global governance. Security and global governance are intertwined, the one has to increase for the other to originate. The higher the level of security, the more complex the identity and the more inclusive the normative backup of our actions. And that, against all odds, is a desirable objective.

Johannes Gunesch is studying for a Masters Degree in International Relations at Jacobs University Bremen

This article has been shortlisted for atlantic-community.org's "Global Governance in 2020" student competition.

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