When President Bush took over the Oval Office, he found Washington's Middle Eastern policy locked in an unsustainable position: Double containment of Iraq and Iran, with Islamic radicalism in Saudi Arabia and elsewhere festering in the background. The situation in Iraq was unfinished and untenable. Neither the no-fly zones in the Kurdish north and the Shiite south of the country nor the UN-imposed sanctions could be upheld much longer. Large contingents of US-troops were tied up in neighbouring Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. Washington found itself in a fix: Those troops could not stay forever. But withdrawing them would be tantamount to handing triumph to Saddam Hussein on a silver platter.
For eight long years President Clinton did not known what to do about Iraq and had opted for the easiest way out: doing nothing. After 9/11 that was a non-option. President Bush had to act and make an attempt at bringing a modicum of stability to the world's most unstable region.
Seven years on, the US-position in the Gulf looks much more manageable: Strenuous double containment of Iraq and Iran has given way to difficult but doable containment of Iran. Today, Iraq looks like the most promising country in the entire region: The Arab world's only democratic government in Baghdad has gained authority throughout the country. Sunnis, Shiites and Kurds have looked into the abyss of civil war and wisely shrank back from the edge. Baghdad is running up a budget surplus of 70 Billion Dollars, which will render peaceful deal making between Iraq's tribes and religious factions easier. The country enjoys freedom of the press, and rebuilding is in full process.
On the oil market, Iraq has the potential to really make a difference: 115 billion barrels of proven reserves make Iraq the world's third most important oil-country. Iraq could surely out-produce Iran, today the world's third ranking oil exporter - or make up for Iran's oil production entirely, at least for some time, if such a need ever arose.
Iraq's success story is President Bush's success story. And it is not just about Iraq alone. The war put Al Qaeda on the run. By bleeding the ranks of foreign terrorists from Morocco, Jordan, Syria, Saudi Arabia and other Middle Eastern countries it took internal pressure off those very countries. Moreover, Bush's war on terror forced Governments from Morocco to Pakistan to choose sides. For decades they paid ransom to Islamist elements within their borders. "You are either with us, or against us" - Bush's cold ultimatum put an end to that, most famously in Pakistan and Saudi Arabia.
It does not take a rocket scientist to grasp the strategic value of the US position in Iraq: The country sits right in the middle of the so-called Middle Eastern Arc of Crises, reaching from Morocco to Pakistan. It borders on some of the most critical and crisis prone places of said arc: Jordan-Palestine, Syria-Lebanon, Iran, Saudi Arabia. Afghanistan and Pakistan are just two checkpoints away.
Due to extreme demographic pressure almost all those countries are inherently unstable. Take the Islamic Republic of Pakistan: Since 1960 its population has doubled from 80 to over 160 million. Egypt's population nearly tripled from about 25 million in 1960 to 73 million today. 70 percent of Iran's population of 67 million is under 30 years old. Every year a million young Iranians find themselves thrown into a job market that cannot offer them anything. None of those and other tormented countries in the region can cope.
Demographic pressure alone makes for a fairly safe prediction: In the Middle East the moderate political players are unlikely to prevail. The fanatics and the radicals will. The next Middle Eastern crisis is bound to erupt, no matter what the US, or the Western World as a whole, does or does not do. But when it flares up, the US will be much better positioned to react to it, due to its firm position in Iraq. Europeans, who are much closer to possible crisis zones, will have to be grateful for the American presence in the geographical and political heartland of the Middle East. The credit for the West's wholly transformed strategic position in that region must go to President George Bush. Thank you, Mr. President.
Dr. Heinrich Maetzke is a Munich based historian and journalist.
Related materials from the Atlantic Community:
- Wolfgang Nowak: The Rise of the Rest
- James Joyner: American Foreign Policy Bids Farewell to Neoconservatism
- Markus Kaim: Great Powers and Regional Orders



November 3, 2008
Marek Swierczynski, journalist at TVN24, Diamond Contributor (1100)