At first glance, Vladimir Putin's articled entitled "A New Integration Project For Eurasia: The Future in the Making" appears to be a poorly laid out program for the unchallenged presidential frontrunner, but under closer scrutiny the project reveals a bigger picture. The opinion piece momentarily ignited wide-scale controversy in and outside of Russia and highlighted the ongoing clash of positions on global development.
Without going into detail on the different interpretations, it is safe to say that the reaction of the Western media to the integration project unveiled by the Russian prime-minister was uniformly negative.
But why does the West perceive Putin's recent Eurasian integration proposal as a threat? Why are we seeing Cold War-style headlines crop up in Western media? The reality of the matter is that - if implemented - the plan would pose a geopolitical challenge to the new world order under the dominance of NATO, the IMF, the EU and the US. Russia's increasing assertiveness suggests that it is ready to start building an inclusive alliance based on principles which provide a viable alternative to Atlantisism and neoliberalism.
In 2011 we are observing the most wide-scale geopolitical shifts since the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc, with all major countries and international bodies involved in the process. In fact, the use of military force has become a legitimate instrument for conflict resolution in international politics. This is illustrated by the avalanche of criticism Moscow received after vetoing the UN Security Council resolution, which would have authorized a replay of the Libyan scenario in Syria. As a result, US permanent envoy to the UN S. Rice slammed Russia and China over the veto, while French foreign minister Alain Juppé declared that "it is a sad day for the Syrian people. It is a sad day for the Security Council".
Moscow's Western "partners" are outraged whenever Russia, in concert with China, puts obstacles in the way of the new world order. Syria, albeit a regionally important country, only fleetingly tops the agenda, but Putin's ambitious plan to form "a Eurasian Union" is a step too far from the Western perspective. Moscow openly challenges the West's global dominance by "suggesting a model of a powerful supranational union that can become one of the poles of today's world while being an efficient connecting link between Europe and the dynamic Asia-Pacific Region". No doubt Putin's message that the Eurasian Union could become a global player on the word stage, by pooling together its natural resources, capital and strong human potential, is unnerving and alarming for Western leaders.
Neither the collapse of the USSR and the bipolar world nor the subsequent proliferation of pro-Western "democracies" marked a final point in the struggle over global primacy. What followed was an era of military interventions against sovereign states, marked by information warfare and the use of soft power by the West to topple defiant regimes. In this game, Eurasia remains the main prize in line with John Mackinder's geopolitical imperative by which "Who rules East Europe commands the Heartland; who rules the Heartland commands the World-Island; who rules the World-Island controls the world".
In the late XX century the US became the first-ever non-Eurasian country to combine the roles of the world's top power and the final arbiter in Eurasian affairs. Within the framework of the new world order, the US and the West as a whole see Eurasia as a zone of key importance to their economic development and growing political might. Global dominance is an openly stated and constantly pursued goal of the Euro-Atlantic community and its military and financial institutions - NATO, the IMF, and the World Bank - along with the Western media and countless NGOs. Over the past couple of decades, unimpeded Western hegemony in Europe, Central Asia, and, to an extent, in the Middle East and even Russia was believed to be unquestionable and inevitable. As of late, however, the world appears to be in a state of flux. Western, Chinese and Russian observers alike are predicting the imminent failure of the neoliberal globalization model and the time has come for the political elites to adjust to this new reality.
Putin's new integration project holds a major promise for Russia and its allies while presenting Russia's foes with a serious problem. It has the potential to shield several nations from Western pressure and maintain real international security in the region. Neither Russia nor any other post-Soviet republic can survive in today's world single-handedly. As Eurasia's key geopolitical player in terms of economic, political and military power, Russia can and should stake a bid for an alternative global architecture.
The West's allergic reaction to Putin's plan may be understandable, but the Eurasian integration project grew out of a common post-Soviet geopolitical and cultural space and is consistent with current global trends defined by the emergence of regional powers. Surviving, preserving the economic and material foundations of national existence, keeping traditions alive, and building a secure future generations are all objectives which Eurasian nations can only accomplish if they stay aligned with Russia. Otherwise, they run the risk of isolation, sanctions, and military interventions in the near future.
Elena Ponomareva is a professor of Comparitive Politics at the Moscow State Institute of International Relations. She is also a columnist for the Strategic Culture Foundation.



October 19, 2011
Liliana