The revisionist process has begun. Friends of the last Republican government are mostly highlighting its foreign policy credentials to divert attention from the darker sides of domestic politics. The past years have witnessed abuses of presidential power amidst heightened social polarization, betraying an understanding of a strong executive above the law and beyond moral qualms. As America is coming out of a culture war, there is a strongly perceived need for "hope," "healing" and "closure."
The year however, is 1977. Now it seems that another beleaguered Republican administration has taken a page from the Nixon script. Then as now the successes of a foreign policy record are being brandished to brush over serious mistakes in both policy design and implementation. We could call this the Nixon strategy.
Arguably, Nixon's foreign policy successes were historic: engagement of Mao's China (though staunch anti-Communism at home), détente with Brezhnev's USSR (while intensifying space race) and extraction of the United States from the quagmire in Vietnam (only after a failed escalation of the conflict to include Cambodia). However, they obscure Nixon's understanding of an executive power under siege, a Gulliver bound hand and foot by Lilliputians which needs to be freed from its restrains. This explains the existence of the White House dirty trick squad ultimately responsible for the Watergate crisis.
Bush is not Nixon, of course. The Bush White House did not orchestrate campaign fraud, political espionage, illegal break-ins or secret slush funds. But it shared with the Nixon Administration a deep dislike for dissent and opposition, a moral impetus and a dystopian worldview. So, even though the Bush legacy goes well beyond the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) or Iraq, both foreign and domestic policies rely on the administration's concept of a strong and unified executive neither constrained by alternative power centers nor branches of government within its own sphere of constitutional powers. This has led to abusive policies on the behalf of an all too broad label of the term “War on Terror,” both undermining the rule of law at home and the power of American ideas abroad: torture, waterboarding, unlawful enemy combatants, extraordinary renditions, illegal wiretappings, unilateralism, preventive action and aggressive promotion of democracy. A high price indeed to pay for compassionate conservatism.
The heated debates and emotional response to the Bush years will soon subside and give way to a more balanced view of the successes and failures of that administration. Successes are few however: in Afghanistan the legitimate central government is threatened by a resurgent Taliban and uncooperative regional power brokers bent on self-preservation. In Iraq, elections have produced a federal government looking more and more authoritarian in its concentration and use of power, not yet supported by all minorities. Intensified bilateralism with an emerging China has strengthened the one actor that opposes liberal democracy and deploys nationalism as the new popular ideology: the Communist Party. Finally, under Bush, the United States did not offer a coherent vision of the post-Cold War era and abstained from redesigning the current global institutional architecture in order to fit the new multipolar realities of emerging world powers, like Brazil or India.
Undoubtedly, the Bush Administration was a true believer in the transformative power of liberal democracy. It was also probably one of the most idealistic administrations in recent history. Yet, dividing the world into good and evil brings fear rather than comfort. Bush's America was a hawkish America in a dark world full of invisible enemies. Bush was indeed a dedicated leader, full of principles, deeply convinced that what he was doing for his country - and the world - was both good and right. But so was the other controversial conservative with a jaded legacy, which has not been looked upon all too kindly - and maybe never will: Richard Nixon.
Christian E. Rieck is currently Senior Fellow at the Düsseldorf Institute for Foreign and Security Policy.
Related Material from Atlantic Community:
- Editorial Team : Evaluating the Bush Legacy
- Fabian Martin Lieschke: The Post-9/11 Era: A Lost Decade



January 19, 2010
Member deleted
Quoting a famous saying by Nixon : "Let me make things perfectly clear.", and that's when people get even more confused.
And that's probably what the revisionists will have to face up to.
One of the most asked questions faced when the previous pres. was first elected, for example :
From a Chinese friend, Mr. Huang Xinli, "Why would US elect such a person to be the pres. ?", typical answer, "He is easy to control."
Another occasion, met a handler on AOL instant messenger about the same time, can't be independently proven, in that she was pretty upset with GWB in that she complained : "He can't even concentrate for 10 minutes on any report, double spaced, with enlarged characters."
Nonetheless, he is, in the end, responsible for the mess and results.