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10 years after the Franco-British St. Malo summit, which was hailed as a serious attempt to get Europe united on security policy, the EU takes a risky path by duplicating collective defense, NATO's specialty.

The Council document called, European Security Strategy, hammered out after the 9/11 terrorist attacks, stopped short of that. Full of pompous declarations, just statements and broad visions, it was quite empty in terms of proper means, hard obligations and effective structures. Typical Solana, one could say spitefully. The truth is inconvenient: the EU's defense policy is still in the cradle and has not grown teeth. But now it actually could bite the hand that fed it.

The Berlin-Plus agreement, which allows the EU to use NATO's defense structures and capabilities. can no longer be regarded as functional. NATO struggles on the Afghan front and within - and couldn't accept another burden, notably from the EU. The EU's own battle groups are behind schedule. The European Defense Agency did nor produce much other than a Long-Term Vision paper, and multilateral defense programs are well over budget and behind delivery deadlines. With overseas missions the EU is gaining experience and impact on international security but failing to become the decisive factor. The most ambitious EU mission in Chad/RCA, which is subject to political bargaining and limitations on the ground, raises serious questions about its future and ultimate success.

A step to enhance the ESDP was made in the failed Constitution of Europe and transferred to a large extent to the Treaty of Lisbon. Although it states that „national security remains the sole responsibility of each Member State" it sets up a Common Security and Defense Policy within CFSP, which adopts a collective defense approach and for the first time binds the EU countries legally to mutual assistance in case of armed aggression or a terrorist attack. The Treaty goes as far as citing common defense, stating that it is the ultimate goal of a „progressive framing of a common defense policy." However, the notion of a two-tier common defense policy looms as the Treaty introduces an enhanced cooperation mechanism into CSDP. There was already such proposal for those EU members who spend more than 2% of GDP on defense (France, UK, Spain, Germany, Italy and Poland - but creation of such a club requires 9 members to participate.)

The Treaty also creates new top jobs: the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, with powers of initiative in CSDP and the Council's president, but preserves the Council's unanimity for decision making. One can imagine the possible President of the Council, Tony Blair, enhancing the CSDP, while others may be reluctant to do so. It should be borne in mind that the Treaty demands unanimity in decisions in that area. As the European NATO members have difficulties in agreeing on their common security interest within the Alliance, filling this framework with content may be complicated. The fact that the EU consists of countries which do not belong to NATO and that fears have arisen in some countries regarding the fact that the Lisbon Treaty itself could be a threat to their national sovereignty makes the CSDP likely to be the least common denominator of EU members' security interests. The debate on that should kick off as soon as the Treaty is ratified across the EU and in accordance with the naming of the HR on CSFP and the Council's President some time next year.

Ten years after the first serious approach to European defense policy, the EU still seems half-way through. But the way to move ahead adopted by the Lisbon Treaty is more than dubious. Faced with trouble in NATO some countries may be deterred from putting assets into the EU's defense while others may see it as a tempting alternative. Both viewpoints may be dangerous as EU-NATO partnership rather than rivalry is the core value of the West.

Marek Swierczynski is a journalist with a special interest in defence and security matters and and a member of the Polish Euro-Atlantic Society.

Related materials from the Atlantic Community:

• Daniel Korski: How Britain now Runs European Security
• Ambassador Victoria Nuland: Strengthening the EU to Strengthen NATO
• Lukas Vitalijus: Transatlantic Relations and "New Europe"