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August 29, 2007 |  6 comments |  Print | E-Mail Your Research  

The Atlantic Community Editorial Team

Think Tank Analysis: Iraq: Who's Got the Best Plan?

The Atlantic Community Editorial Team: presents a comparative analysis of the most promising plans from policy makers and think tanks across the US. See all the strategies here, or download and print out a PDF with the full matrix of options.

We’ve taken six of the most viable ways forward on Iraq and spelled out their strategies on the basics: troop numbers, reconstruction, diplomacy, division and aftermath. Get the lowdown on the original Baker-Hamilton report, a standout strategy from a presidential candidate, a few maverick think tankers, and that Bush Administration favorite, the Surge.

1. Iraq Study Group Withdrawal
This plan is based around recommendations from the Baker-Hamilton report of 2006. Democratic presidential candidates Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama have both adopted the plan, with minor variations. Republican presidential candidate and congressman Ron Paul supported Senator Obama’s Iraq War De-escalation Act of 2007, also based on the report.

Key Points

  • Withdraw all combat troops from Iraq by spring 2008
  • Revive and accelerate existing economic and reconstruction efforts
  • Start dialogue with all of Iraq’s neighbors, including Syria and Iran
  • Include the international community through the United Nations Security Council
  • Encourage Iraqi leaders to bridge sectarian divide and marginalize militias
  • Keep some troops embedded in Iraqi units indefinitely for training, counter-terrorism and advisory and support roles


2. White House Surge
Most eloquently expressed by Max Boot in his statement to the House Armed Services Committee. Supported by the Bush administration and Republican presidential candidates Rudolph Giuliani, John McCain, and Mitt Romney.

Key Points

  • Create political space through initial troop surge; orderly troop reduction comes later
  • Intensify reconstruction
  • Implement clear-hold-build strategy as soon as more security is established
  • Keep Syria and Iran from interfering
  • Don’t talk about division: while federalism is the only solution, any US involvement in planning it would be problematic and politically explosive


3. O’Hanlon/Joseph Soft Partition
Devised by Michael E. O’Hanlon from the Brookings Institute and Edward P. Joseph from Johns Hopkins University. Democratic presidential candidate Joseph Biden and the former president of the Council on Foreign Relations Leslie Gelb first articulated the basic contours of a plan similar to the soft partition concept. Also supported by Republican candidate Sam Brownback, with the notable exception that for strategic reasons he does not favor a fixed and public timetable for withdrawal.

Key Points

  • Use surge to help negotiate partition if results are positive (not expected)
  • Hold off on reducing troops until soft partition has been completed, approximately 12-18 months
  • Provide financial support for job creation and housing programs, identity card issuance, etc.
  • Gather international support for partitioning
  • Encourage NATO to supply approximately 60,000 troops
  • Commence soft partition through ordered population relocation (2-5 million people)
  • Implement job creation and housing programs, land swaps, etc.
  • Split up oil revenues (25% population, 35% states, 20% government, 20% variable)
  • Plan for 300,000 troops to police and secure Iraq’s internal borders (50,000 US, remainder NATO and Iraqi)


4. Conetta Multilateralism
Proposed by Carl Conetta of the Project on Defense Alternatives. Although elements overlap with some presidential strategies, it has not been taken up as a whole by any candidate.

Key Points

  • Withdraw all US troops, and quickly: no more than a few thousand troops should be left by mid-March 2008
  • Use a multilateral framework for reconstruction
  • Gather support for an international peace-keeping force through the UN Security Council
  • Give Iraq’s neighbors a central role
  • Deploy a majority of soldiers from Arab-speaking countries (around 60,000 troops)
  • Make sure that all states participating in the framework agree to forgo unilateral security efforts
  • Integrate the Sunni community into political process (amnesty for non-al Qaeda, no de-Baathification, expedient withdrawal)
  • Gain acceptance of Shia factions through regional actors
  • Replace US troops with an international force
  • Maintain an external deterrent force of 15,000, readily deployable to Iraq
  • Focus on training and hand-over to international mission until withdrawal is complete


5. Byman Containment
Stand-alone plan from Daniel Byman at the Center for Peace and Security Studies at Georgetown. Byman testified in front of the House Armed Services Subcommittee as part of hearings on a “Third Way” in Iraq.

Key Points

  • Make substantial reductions to troop presence in Iraq, as soon as safely possible
  • Leave 20,000 regional special forces behind for counter-terrorism purposes, training/assisting the Iraqi government, responding to Iranian intervention and containing civil war
  • Engage allies and countries in the region
  • Discourage Iranian and Syrian involvement by establishing clear repercussions for crossing “red lines”
  • Avoid external attempts at partitioning: these would probably escalate the civil war (Yugoslavia was different)
  • Prevent refugee-based destabilization by providing financial and technical assistance for Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Lebanon, Kuwait and Bahrain
  • Avoid backing individual factions in Iraq


6. Edwards Withdrawal
Unique plan from Democratic presidential candidate John Edwards. Edwards’ strategy draws upon various sources, but combines them in a way that is different enough to constitute a singular approach.

Key Points

  • Cap troops at 100,000
  • Stop surge now and draw down 40,000 - 50,000 troops
  • Complete withdrawal within 12-18 months
  • Prohibit funding for new troops
  • Establish direct talks among all nations in the region, plus Iran and Syria
  • Set up national peace conference involving all neighbors
  • Remove all permanent bases from Iraq
  • Leave sufficient troops behind in the region to prevent spill-over and genocide, and hunt terrorists


    Download the full PDF from here.

    What do you think is the right way forward in Iraq? You can pick your favorite plan in the poll on the right. Is division the only answer? Can we call it a quagmire yet? Who should pick up the pieces? Leave your comments below.


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Comments
Robert  Shawley

August 29, 2007

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Personally I don;t like any of these plans very much - simply because they all use withdrawal as a core assumption, which is something that I think America should not do. America owes it to the Iraqi people to put at least 500,000 troops on the ground in Iraq and pursue and oil-spot strategy. This is the famous "clear-hold-build" strategy that the White House Surge plan mentions and which is currently pursued in Baghdad, but this won't last. It is yet again a half-hearted approach, too few troops given way too little time.

It is sad to think that this is all that we could muster, but that is how it is. So we're left with withdrawing. With these reservations, I would have to say that the O'Hanlon/Biden Soft Partition plan strikes me as the one I'd put my money on. Sure, it can be said that it will be extremely difficult and that it only worked in Yugoslavia because the warring parties had already pretty much taken care of the ethnic cleansing part. But just because something is difficult doesn't mean it can't be done - and just because we stepped in in Yugoslavia after most of the killing was already done doesn't mean we can't at least try to prevent some of it in an orderly manner in Iraq today. And as for politically explosive, well, let's face it. Republicans won't win the next election, no matter what candidate they pick and no matter what candidate the democrats pick. And the current president already has nothing to loose. Seems a good time to not let the fates of other countries being decided by the US election cycle for a change....
 
Gunnar  Schmidt

August 29, 2007

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America, the UK and the others do not have enough troops to stabilize Iraq. The surge will have to end soon. It is not feasible.

Robert, I agree with you that America "owes it to the Iraqi people to put at least 500,000 troops on the ground," but where should the come from?

I think O'Hanlon's soft partition is the way forward. He is just too naive to believe that NATO would contribute 60.000 troops.
Rather the relocation effort wil have to be supported by Iranian troops and by Arab troops, mainly from Saudi Arabia, which is very concerned about a Shiite country at its border.
 
Robert  Shawley

August 30, 2007

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Gunnar, I agree wholeheartedly with a greater incorporation of Iraq's neighbors, including Iran and Syria, into the nation-building process - or at least the creation of a regional security framework (nation-building is pretty much a goner in Iraq nowadays, it seems). Unfortunately, the current administration's ideology does not seem to allow for that.

I remember the Secretary of Defense Robert Gates charging the Iranians last month with smuggling weapons across the Afghan border to supply the Taliban - which President Karzai immediately dismissed as hogwash. Despite all the support Kabul received from Tehran in the preceding years, that was the first time I saw Iran in the news in connection with Afghanistan....

Apparently all things Iranian must be condemned!
 
Oliver  Hauss

September 1, 2007

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Some of the reasons cited make me wonder about the associated poll: Why is there not an option "none of the above"? The fact that "yet another idea" has a snowball's chance in hell of getting implemented doesn't change the fact that the same holds true for some of the plans listed....
 
Joerg  Wolf

September 1, 2007

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@ Oliver

"Why is there not an option “none of the above”?"

Because that answer would be too easy.

Of course, there is not a perfect plan. No silver bullet to solve all problems. Everybody knows that.
So what to do? Which of the far from perfect plans is the best?

We decided to feature the plans that are currently debated the most. If you prefer another plan, please let us know. We would love to hear your suggestions!

Thanks!
 
Oliver  Hauss

September 7, 2007

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@Joerg:

The question is of course "which 'all' problems" a plan intends to solve. Or, as Cicero cites, "Cui bono?", to whose benefit are those plans. And a lot of them, at least to me, seem targeted just as much, if not more, to solve domestic US problems as the problems of Iraq. The issue of public support for the war, after all, and the issue of war costs, are fundamentally domestic problems.

Plans that discuss troop withdrawals vs. reinforcements along these lines are fundamentally NOT discussing Iraq, but the US -as opposed to plans discussing parameters such as:
-What is the actual purpose of the troops in Iraq?
-Are they fulfilling that purpose?
-If no, CAN they actually fulfill their purpose through some adjustments?
-What adjustments would those be?
-What other means to fulfill that purpose exist?
-Do the Iraqis want them to fulfill that purpose in that fashion?

If I look, for example, at Edwards' plan, the following questions come to mind:
The first point cited is "Cap troops at 100,000". The last point is "Leave sufficient troops behind in the region to prevent spill-over and genocide, and hunt terrorists"
What if that number is >100,000???

Looking at Conetta's plan "Gather support for an international peace-keeping force through the UN Security Council " Nice try, but a bit late. What if the UNSC says "You break it, you fix it"? Same with the "soft partition" and NATO.

A lot of these seem to me "plans for being able to claim to have a plan's sake" -or should one say "Plans due to the 2008 elections"?
 

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