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January 7, 2009 |  9 comments |  Print | E-Mail Your Opinion  

From the Editorial Team

Topic What Should be the Priorities in Afghanistan in 2009? Vote Here

From the Editorial Team: During 2008 Afghanistan was among the most explosive political issues. The unstable state of the country will continue to affect the whole region. What are your recommendations for 2009? What is the most urgent action that needs to be taken in Afghanistan this year?

Despite international efforts to secure and rebuild Afghanistan, the country appears to be locked in a state of emergency. Intensified international cooperation and closely coordinated action is certainly needed. What do you recommend? What should be the priorities in Afghanistan in 2009?

1. Sending more police trainers and mentors with language and cultural knowledge to Afghanistan.

Having only been trained for 1½ years, the Afghan National Police lacks the knowledge and skills to provide security in local areas. Rebuilding security must be carried out by Afghans as the local population would not accept foreign intervention, argues Morgan Sheeran, a veteran of the US Armed Forces who has served a tour in Afghanistan as a trainer. Germany, as the leading nation in training Afghan law enforcement officials, must increase its number of trainers. Florian Broschk, a lecturer in Islamic Studies who has also served four tours with ISAF in Afghanistan, points out that cultural misunderstandings should not be underestimated as they hinder troops from successfully communicating the purpose of their mission. A better understanding of the needs of Afghans would help foreign governments to assess the situation on the ground and adjust their strategy.

2. Sending more US troops.

The surge as proposed by President-elect Obama would not only support the stabilization of the country, but would also contribute more effectively to reconstruction efforts. The EU should also send additional troops, supporting the efforts of the US.

3. Addressing the Pakistani-Indian conflict is the backdrop to securing Afghanistan.

The international community must pressure Pakistan to end its support for extremist groups. Pakistan fears its influence in Afghanistan being limited by a US-Indian-Afghan alliance, notes Ahmed Rashid, acclaimed author and Central Asia expert. To ease the tension between Pakistan and India, the US should push for negotiations and participate as a mediator.

4. The EU must intensify its reconstruction activities.

The EU should give Afghanistan's economy a boost by intensifying its involvement in creating jobs, industries and infrastructure. Daniel Korski, senior fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations, who also led the Basra Reconstruction Team, argues that a two year C-PRT (Capital Reconstruction Team) led by the EU should devote itself to reconstructing Kabul. Afghan Ambassador Zulfacar suggests that more aid for agricultural projects is necessary as 70 percent of Afghanistan's population lives in rural areas. Irrigation projects and micro-credits for farmers would make them more self-reliant.

5. The international community must cooperate with Afghanistan's neighbors to combat the drug economy.

Fighting poppy cultivation is impossible without assisting those of Afghanistan's neighbors who suffer from a large number of drug addicts, like Iran, to combat their drug problem. The high regional demand for opium makes it even more attractive for farmers to cultivate narcotic drugs. Undermining the drug economy would deprive terrorist groups of a large source of their income, points out Sepideh Parsa, editorial intern at atlantic-community.org.

6. Building an educational system should be a priority of international efforts.

Afghanistan has one of the highest illiteracy rates worldwide. Additional aid to support the education strategy is desperately needed. Schools must be built as at present over 5000 schools have no buildings. Additional teachers must also be trained. Ambassador Malhia Zulfacar argues that the international community should provide technical and vocational schools, giving young Afghans the opportunity to learn basic skills that are needed in the country.

7. Negotiations with regional actors are ineluctable.

Afghanistan's security situation is dependent on its neighbors. The international community should negotiate with Iran and Pakistan to ensure that they do not provide weapons to foreign fighters in Afghanistan. Both countries, but particularly Iran, should be financially supported as they grant asylum to millions of Afghan refugees.

8. The international community should support talks with the Taliban.


The Taliban are factionalized. Talking to Taliban insurgents who are willing to compromise could be an efficient way of "dividing and conquering the Afghan insurgencies," argues Niklas Keller, former intern at atlantic-community.org. The Taliban are still the major political force for the Pashtuns, which constitute 40 percent of the Afghan population. This figure should be taken seriously, as it demonstrates that succeeding in Afghanistan without negotiating with the Taliban is unlikely.

9. Improve aid effectiveness.

Aid is crucial to Afghanistan's development, but much of it is used ineffectively or inefficiently. Western aid should be adjusted to meet Afghanistan's national development priorities. Furthermore, it would be helpful to establish a UN commission that monitors and coordinates aid flows.

10. The international community must support the upcoming elections in Afghanistan.

Free and fair election would allow Afghans to change their leadership peacefully and give them a sense of democratic ownership, which is essential for nation building and the democratic process, states Daoud Sultanzoy, an Afghan Member of Parliament in Afghanistan's National Assembly. Afghans should also be assisted in electing a president with strong leadership skills who can take action in rebuilding the country.

Please choose up to three measures which you think should be the priority. Should you have other suggestions not covered in the poll, please discuss them below.


Written by Sepideh Parsa

 

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Unregistered User

January 8, 2009

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I am not agreeing with the above questions because its not the way of the solution i recommended the following points.
1- Pressure on Pakistan to avoid sending of terrorists troops to Afghanistan
2- Prohibatation of drugs mafia /trades /transporting and cultivation of narcotic drugs in Afghanistan especially in south region and in north [Mazar –e – sharef].
3- Cooperation and changing information in all decides between afghan and international troops and leaderships about operation in each point of Afghanistan especially fight against terrorism and Taliban.

 
Unregistered User

January 8, 2009

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As my colleague, Tom Johnson, and I have argued here recently in the pages of Atlantic ("All Counterinsurgency is Local") some of these measures would be helpful, but the main problem is local village stabilization. Kabul is, as it essentially always has been, irrelevant. Eighty percent of the population lives in small villages wired together by clan and family affiliations, and we have virtually no presence there. The enemy, on the other hand, who we usually label "the Taliban," (although this masks a tremendous complexity) are operating there at the local level 24/7/365. If the history of counterinsurgency yields one single constant lesson, it is that insurgents cannot be defeated without constant control and security in the rural areas. Simply sending more troops to hunker down in FOBs, or more police trainers to train the most hated, most corrupt institution in Afghanistan (the police) will not address this problem. I would encourage readers who have not seen our article to examine the alternative we propose to achieve this local control.
 
Unregistered User

January 9, 2009

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I find it very interesting to see how the west sees Afghanistan. One of the most important solutions to the problem in Afghanistan is overaching development (aid effectiveness is part of development - for God's sake) and improving governance. These are 2 of the most important solutions to everlasting peace in Afghanistan and they do not even feature as a choice. I am ashamed of these choices.
 
Unregistered User

January 9, 2009

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i totally agree!!!!!!!
 
Unregistered User

January 10, 2009

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The world powers are yet again embroiled in trying to figure out how to maintain a foreign military presence in Afghanistan.

After several thousand years of trying and failing one might think that the futility might have become clear. One would obviously be mistaken.

There is nothing that can be done to "ensure success" (if that's the catchphrase of the moment) in Afghanistan.

Afghanistan has always been and will always be a graveyard for foreign forces.

 
Unregistered User

January 10, 2009

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Although I agree that the above mentioned issues are crucial to improve the situation in Afghanistan but unless We concentrate on tghe Economical Development we can not have stable political situation in the country. Education and Pesrsonal Capacity dBuilding of Afghans should be the first priority for the year 2009 in Afghanistan. The Leadership and running of Civil Society Projects need to be transfered to Afghan Nationals other wise the situation will stay the same or even become worse. Teach them fishing not give them fish to eat!
 
Unregistered User

January 10, 2009

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Here are my two cents for what their worth on Afghanistan moving forward in 2009:


THE PROBLEMS

KEY obstacles to a relatively functioning sovereign Afghan state that can provide for its own internal and external security measures in the future are
a) embedded, culturally/historically based corruption in a hobbesian society;
b) a drug economy driven, and ethnic based, conflict/ insurgency;
c) an elected emperor who has no clothes (Karzai);
d) deep seated (often hidden to the outsider) distrust, hostility and outright hate within certain khels, qaums (of the Pushtun) and/or between Pushtuns versus Tajiks, Hazaras and Uzbeks; between the Hazaras (the most downtrodden and persecuted of the lot) and the rest. The civil war period of the 90s exposed these ethnicity and sectarian based schisms; and the wounds of that period remain fresh in a culture where badal (revenge) is an important cultural tenet;
e) a state with unique geographical, cultural, economic and political challenges; a formerly failed state and a diverse population with meddling neighboring and regional players;
f) festering perceptions of the locals which vary depending on their vantage point/interests;
g) a flawed reconstruction template with excessive fraud, waste and abuse built into it that does not exclude the expat community in the eyes of the locals and their perceptions of how this process is unfolding or not.
h) a vulnerable cross border dependence on Pakistan for the smooth flow of logistics for troops (NATO/ISAF/US) supporting both security and rebuilding efforts.

SOLUTIONS
a) renegotiate rules of engagement on all levels/matters with the GIRoA holding it to tougher standards and greater oversight: a better quid pro quo agreement with an entity that needs external help more than outside elements (states/organizations) are eager or want to provide. Without outside/external support the GIRoA can't function. This must be leveraged better to force changes in order to improve both the direction and outcome of the continued state building effort.
b) require that EU/UN or whatever legitimate international body oversee the election process to ensure transparancy and relatively free/fair elections in the eyes of all Afghans;
c) demand a cooperative and effective drug eradication program vice half hearted measures that have little to zero impact because of complicit GIRoA entities;
d) revamp the ISAF/US security presence to one that places emphasis on being embedded within certain communities in hostile regions indefinitely vice being isolated in FOBs; better ROE, public diplomacy, aggressive counter IO and proactive IO efforts that rely on local and religious ideas and not alien ones;
e) bolstering the rebuilding of ANSF like the ANA: provision of mentors and elimination of corruption and removal of former warlords or muj (circa 1980s) from senior positions and replacement based on merit.

Judging from the above, the challenges are daunting but not insurmountable if there is the continued will to see this process of state building to completion.
Tags: | Afghanistan |
 
Jennifer L. Epley

January 15, 2009

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I'm often troubled by discourse that revolves only around "negative" language or a top-down approach. I believe it's time that an emphasis is placed on what Afghans themselves - in all their diversity with regards to their ethnicity, religion, socioeconomic status, education, gender, etc. - want and what they can positively contribute. I think the Asia Foundation's "A Survey of the Afghan People" - December 2008 (see home page for link) is a good start and could be expanded to identify such information. Local-level meetings with communities and leaders would provide further details. I would imagine that there are all sorts of untapped resources that the Afghans have such as local knowledge of people, customs, norms, values, what works or could work, and the like, along with certain skills whether in a communications, economic, or political sense. Perhaps if "outsiders" took a more humble approach and aim to facilitate rather than impose, there might be more long-term progress. This essentially echoes a previous comment by an anonymous user that "aid effectiveness is part of development."
 
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January 15, 2009

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I disagree with the comments of Ms. Epley precisely because they are not based on reality but apparently on academic wishful thinking. I do not completely agree with the comments of Mr. Mason, as they are based on what I believe to be a flawed view, although there are some valid issues. I say this based on three tours to Afghanistan myself, tours in which I did not hide in FOBs or at Bagram or Kabul, but actually went out and about (alone and afraid, often enough). I have a graduate degree in Islamic history and just happened to have married an Afghan, a Pushtun, to be exact. I have witnessed much suffering over there, most of it inflicted by the Afghans upon themselves. I have witnessed some really amazing, and humble, attempts by US military and civilian personnel to provide assistance in a humane and localized manner that would benefit locals and not the wallahs in Kabul or former warlords. I have witnessed the callous disregard for truth by western journalists (in one case, the journalist was actually standing on a destroyed wall, beneath which lay the bodies of dead civilians as she loudly searched for the bodies to blame on US fire).

I guess I come at this from a different perspective from most of the contributors. Like Mr. Mason I too have published on Afghanistan, in academic journals as well as military journals. However, despite the vast foreign interference in Afghanistan, dating from, oh, let's say, just after the Kushan Empire and especially during the time of Timurlane, most of the present problems of Afghanistan are because of the Afghans themselves, albeit recently with a large dose of "negative" assistance from the Soviet Pushtun genocide, the Pakistani efforts at control and the Deobandi/Wahhabi Arabization efforts by the Saudis and their ilk. The 1990s were all about the Afghans, and look how well they did in fixing their country and situation. Many Afghans have a huge reservoir of business initiative but when preyed upon by smugglers, criminal gangs, corrupted local leadership elites and "fundos," they have little recourse but to go along, lest they be killed.

I just wish, from all readers and speakers, a more holistic approach to the problems (and opportunities) of Afghanistan. The truth about Afghanistan is rarely understood or articulated, as too many people have created a "body guard of lies" to protect their particular piece of the exploitation pie (be they newsies, humanitarian gypsies, druggies, fundos or plain criminal types). No single "strand" is to blame nor can any single "theme" bring success. I would be more than willing to go back and help, if the carrion crows on the body of Afghanistan could be driven off. Until then, despite the humanitarian urge within me, I will not pour even more good money down a bad hole.

Time, lots of time, is needed, along with real work by the Afghans themselves, and a realization that nobody "owes" them anything. To alleviate their pain so we "feel" better is to continue to institutionalize it for the majority of the populace. Only pain will force the Afghans to stop hurting themselves. Reconstruction of the Sufi networks and "lodges" would be a tremendous step in that direction, one I fear the Deobandi/Wahhadists will fight against.
 

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