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Open Think Tank Articles
Ulf Gartzke: Mikhail Saakashvili’s reckless military gamble has unfortunately paid off and put him on a fast track to NATO membership. This stunning turnaround demonstrates the problems with the behavior of the Georgian leadership as well as with the West’s response to their actions.
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Grigol Ubiria: NATO’s eastern enlargement is too often solely considered from the perspective of Russia’s right to defend its interests on its borders. Little or no attention has been paid to factors forcing former Soviet republics, particularly Georgia and Ukraine, to rush to join the alliance.
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Nikolas Kirrill Gvosdev: Despite the proclaimed cooperative approach, Franco-American tensions could grow bigger than under Chirac. Sarkozy’s Euro-Atlantic, yet independent, foreign policy moves could well be at odds with the next US president’s understanding of multilateralism.
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Memo 7: The members of the Atlantic Community believe that Ukraine belongs to Europe. Ukraine needs to be integrated into Western alliances without undermining Western-Russian relations.
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Fabian Martin Lieschke: NATO’s nuclear posture is dated and needs to be reconsidered during next year’s review. If NATO withdraws sub-strategic nuclear weapons from Europe it can pursue a leverage strategy to persuade Russia to also eliminate its tactical nuclear weapons.
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Transatlantic Press Round-up: The 2008 White Paper sets the tone for the next decade of French defense policy. Although France’s “loss of independence” is controversial, many welcome the progress towards synchronization of the French, European, and transatlantic security and defense strategies.
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Anatol Lieven: NATO might fail in Afghanistan. Hopes for democracy, development, and progress in Afghanistan are already dead. Even though the situation seems hopeless, the West can and should prevent further deterioration.
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Jens F. Laurson and George A. Pieler: NATO is trying to expand its military wing to more countries, which used to be “the enemy,” in its effort to secure its future. However, Europe’s reliance on imported oil should be considered before alienating exporters like Russia in the attempt of reinventing NATO’s aging alliance.
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Heinrich Bonnenberg: Germany and the EU must give stronger credit to Ukraine’s emergence as an independent democracy in the tradition of Europe’s historic liberal movements. The EU should quickly enable Ukrainian accession, but NATO membership should not be pursued, as this would likely exasperate tensions with Russia.
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Memo 6: Members of the Atlantic Community are convinced that NATO needs to redefine its future role and relationship with Russia. Fundamental change, however, is unlikely to occur in the near future and the NATO-Russian relationship may worsen.
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Richard G. Lugar: We must forge a more productive relationship with Russia. The absence of a collective energy security strategy and the lack of supply diversification will lead to greater fragmentation among European nations and across the Atlantic.
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Peter van Ham: NATO is slowly losing its significance as the central platform to manage transatlantic security challenges. In view of the different reasons for the Alliance’s declining relevance, its resilience, rather than its demise should surprise us.
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Marek Swierczynski: The NATO-isation of missile defense at the Bucharest summit paradoxically carried away the Poland-US agreement on the issue. The once all-uniting idea of placing the interceptors on Poland’s Baltic coast is losing political support and negotiations are reported to be close to a stall. The current round of the talks is not expected to push things forward.
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Péter Marton: Afghanistan needs an external security guarantee for the long term. NATO should provide that guarantee against clashing external influence-seeking endeavours, but it can only do so it if it sheds its geopolitical identity for the Afghan mission. That is how a neutral strategic identity could be secured for Afghanistan.
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James Jones: While NATO forces are needed in Afghanistan, the real focus should be on fighting narcotics, building up an effective judicial system, increasing Afghan police capabilities, empowering a single individual to represent the international community, and acknowledging regional difficulties.
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Daniel Rackowski: With Sarkozy contemplating bringing France back into the NATO fold, the need for a strong European defense force is at the forefront, writes Daniel Rackowski for ISN Security Watch.
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T. Noetzel & B. Schreer: Despite a theoretically clear strategy, NATO is both politically and militarily ill-prepared to execute the required counter-insurgency strategy in Afghanistan. An Afghan disaster might not be a death sentence for the Alliance, but would certainly have major repercussions.
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Daniel Korski & Richard Gowan: Away from the limelight and with other world events getting the media’s attention, the situation in Kosovo has been getting worse and worse. And it all started so well with the EU managing to get a consensus for its ESDP mission and two-thirds of EU states backing the province’s independence.
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Andreas Umland: Don’t overestimate Berlin’s statements concerning Russian interests in the former USSR
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Frank-Walter Steinmeier: For the past 60 years the transatlantic relationship has been the world’s transformative partnership. America’s relationship with Europe - more than with any other part of the world - enables both of us to achieve goals that neither of us could achieve alone.
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Marek Swierczynski: The Lisbon Treaty opens a new path for the European Security and Defense Policy. After Europe failed to create either a relevant European defense capability or a common security strategy, it favors a collective defense that may ultimately threaten NATO.
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Atlantic Community SURVEY: 23 European and US policy analysts and our members express stronger support for Ukraine’s NATO aspirations than witnessed at the Bucharest Summit. Advocacy for fast NATO enlargement correlates with geographic proximity to Russia.
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Marek Swierczynski: NATO’s decision to delay a major enlargement should only be viewed in a positive light if it results in better management of the Afghan mission, and the Alliance keeps up the pace to relaunch negotiations with Ukraine and Georgia.
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Stanley R. Sloan: Besides agreeing on devoting more military and non-military resources to the mission in Afghanistan, NATO leaders at the Bucharest Summit should start drafting a new strategic concept and a contemporary Atlantic Charter for the new American administration to tackle in 2009.
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Daniel Korski: Something odd is happening across Europe’s security landscape. In spite of British Prime Minister Brown’s euro-scepticism, and Britain’s supposed European isolation following the Iraq War, London is once again becoming the centerpiece of European security cooperation.
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Rüdiger Lentz: Increasing debates within the Alliance about the inequity of risk- and burden-sharing among its members overshadow the upcoming summit in Bucharest. Especially, the Germans are being pressured by Washington and their Western allies to send more fighting troops to Afghanistan.
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Wess Mitchell: While the United States has been prodding the alliance’s second-tier members, newcomers have stepped up in Afghanistan.
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Nikolas Kirrill Gvosdev: Secretary-General De Hoop Scheffer must find a compromise between NATO members: those who don’t want to anger Russia and those pushing to include Eastern European states.
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Ambassador Victoria Nuland: “Europe needs, the United States needs, NATO needs, the democratic world needs – a stronger, more capable European defense capacity.”
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Marek Swierczynski: Just before the NATO summit in Bucharest, the differences on what and how the Alliance should do in the future seem all but rising on both sides of the Atlantic. The Warsaw conference on NATO’s Transformation made fundamental divides clearly visible.
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Dora Bakoyannis: Greece supports the enlargement of NATO in the Western Balkans with the invitations to Croatia and Albania, but the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia’s “intransigeant stance and its actions of an irredentist and nationalistic logic” are unacceptable.
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Anna Nadgrodkiewicz: When in Washington, Tusk will need to address the role of Polish troops in Iraq and Afghanistan, the necessity of easing visa requirements, and the proposed missile defense shield. Most importantly, Tusk should use his visit to build name recognition and focus on issues important to Poland.
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D. Korski & M. Williams: NATO’s members need to take action if the 60 year old alliance is to survive as a useful organization.
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Dieter Farwick: The NATO defense ministers’ meeting should conclude with an agreement to send additional forces to Afghanistan. The troops can win if given the necessary resources and operational freedom.
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Volker Perthes: I admit that there is no simple checklist to determine how, when, or where German troops should be deployed abroad. But there are a number of valid questions that can be posed before soldiers are sent to peacekeeping and peace-enf
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Memo 4: Members of the Atlantic Community are mostly optimistic about the future of Kosovo and conflict resolution in the Western Balkans. The EU has a key role in this region and policy is in the right track, but, of course, big challenges still lie ahead.
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Dr. Karl-Theodor zu Guttenberg: I write on the implications of the latest survey of Afghan attitudes toward ISAF activities, and convey the need for continued German engagement in Afghanistan.
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Thomas de Waal: The simmering conflicts in Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Armenia could easily flare up. Although they are driven by unresolved regional disputes, both the US and Russia loom large in the background.
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Alexander Bernhard Bitter: Missile defense for Europe is coterminous with NATO’s mission. The European policy of waiting for a new US administration is flawed, as the financial burden of the endeavor could shift heavily toward Europe.
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Dominique Moisi: I considers how likely it is that France will return to NATO’s military command. Regardless of Sarkozy’s decision, the issue represents a new strategy: “to link progress in building a common European defense and security structure with a redefinition of NATO.”
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Andreas Beckmann: The general public does not understand the advantages of a US ground-based missile defense system in Europe. Western politicians should be wary of making confusing public statements that could facilitate Russian and Iranian efforts to divide the Alliance.
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Marco Overhaus: 2007 and 2008 could be decisive years for the region. A difficult balance must be struck, between a renewed and robust EU engagement in the Western Balkans and the need to make reform efforts locally self-supporting.
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Christoph Bertram: If European governments today distance themselves from America, they will both antagonize and further weaken the US. This will in turn undermine European foreign policy influence around the world.
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Hans Binnendijk: The consequences of failure in Afghanistan would be severe. I offer three points to help European governments make the case for continued participation in the NATO ISAF mission.
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Memo 3: Members of the Atlantic Community question German participation in OEF, support ISAF and want increased emphasis on social issues in Afghanistan. In this Executive Summary, Annette Poelking of the Atlantic Initiative has more on members’ ideas for Afghanistan and an update on the ongoing debate.
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Nikolas Kirrill Gvosdev: I reject Rudolph Giuliani’s call to expand NATO membership to other, non-Western democracies. Adding states like Australia or India to “globalize” NATO would undermine its original and enduring purpose: collective security through Article 5.
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Hans-Ulrich Klose: We need a new philosophy of deterrence against Iran. A tough containment policy, including Russia, and strong defense of Israel could bring about a changed security architecture in the Middle East that might finally include Tehran.
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Atlantic Happy Hour: NATO Secretary General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer came to Berlin on a mission to get more German troops into the south of Afghanistan. As the guest of honor at an event run by the Atlantic Initiative, publisher of the Atlantic Community, Scheffer appeared with representatives from five of Germany’s political parties to respond to questions on the future of operations in Afghanistan.
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John Koenig: The transatlantic relationship is more complex—and more vital—than ever before. Responding to Egon Bahr’s article, I note that NATO is and should remain rooted in the transatlantic community.
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Markus Kaim: I advocate merging the military capabilities of Germany’s three current mandates under the ISAF umbrella to bring transatlantic equilibrium to the burden-sharing in Afghanistan. Military participation in Operation Enduring Freedom should end, and ISAF Aerial Reconnaissance and Surveillance should be integrated into a single ISAF directive.
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Egon Bahr: Europe must emancipate itself from the United States and take a stand for multilateralism. I see NATO expansion as an invitation for the US to continue to dominate the alliance—Europe should oppose it.
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David G. Haglund: I blame disagreement over Afghanistan for the disappearance of the golden relationship between Berlin and Ottawa. Canada’s “perfect peacekeepers” want Germans to shoulder their fair share of the NATO burden.
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Thomas Speckmann: Iraq’s label as a “second Vietnam” for the United States does not hold up to scrutiny. Recent changes to US military strategy on terrorism— building infrastructure, winning hearts and minds—come straight out of the Bundeswehr handbook, and they’re working. So why not take them to Kabul?
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Margarita Mathiopoulos: The West cannot afford a globally weak or inept United States. The recent political changes in France, Japan, Britain and Germany present an opportunity to start fresh with a new US administration in 2008.
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Ulf Gartzke: I warn of a looming “nightmare scenario” when EU member states could split from the US and each other over independent status for Kosovo. Results from the latest Bush-Putin summit could raise the stakes.
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Michael John Williams: The EU Battlegroups, though small, are a step in the right direction. The United States can and should play a role in promoting further advancement of European expeditionary capability.
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Memo 1: Members of the Atlantic Community commented on the appropriate role for the EU in Afghanistan.
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Karsten Voigt: Shifting German troops out of the north of Afghanistan would be detrimental to the country. The troops should stay with their original mission, as they are providing significant support to the allied forces.
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Heiko Borchert and Karina Forster: Energy infrastructure security requires a serious military commitment. The EU should pool resources with NATO through joint research in security and technology, military cooperation with key energy partners such as Africa, and mutual education through exchange of lessons learned.
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Heiko Borchert and Karina Forster : We see hard power as integral to the preservation of energy infrastructure. EU-NATO cooperation is therefore key to preserving this vital element of energy security.
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Julianne Smith: I want the EU to take a stronger role in Afghanistan. The EU should act as a coordinating body for the reconstruction and development of the country. This would also strengthen Europe’s standing with its partners.
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Eckart von Klaeden: Europe will soon be vulnerable to medium-range ballistic missiles. The time to act is now. Europe, Germany and NATO must agree on an anti-missile shield to protect against threats from Iran and others.
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Atlantic Initiative Advisory Board: members discuss the most important issue facing the transatlantic relationship today. Rudolf G. Adam, Christoph Bertram, Philip von Boehm-Bezing, John Hulsman, Eckart von Klaeden, Hans-Ulrich Klose, and Norbert Otten find that the West continues to be a political power player.
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Jan-Friedrich Kallmorgen and Andreas Beckmann: Germany should support the proposed US missile defense plan and broaden the plan through NATO. Though this issue is rarely understood in Germany, it is evident that the world faces a massive security problem as a result of Iran’s developing nuclear program.
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Eckart von Klaeden: Europe and Germany need missile defense against the threat from Iran. Europe has long neglected the new strategic threats arising from missile proliferation.
This is the first of a two-part series from the Atlantic Initiative Advisory Board Member.
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Karsten Voigt: I cannot foresee an end to the German and Allied commitment in Afghanistan as long as the Taliban pose a threat to the country’s stability. We cannot allow pro-terrorist groups to take over, and that good governance is a priority.
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Wess Mitchell: I recommend a security agreement with Prague now to set precedent for missile defense negotiations with other NATO members later, starting with Poland. Bilateral agreements with Eastern European countries would reinforce Washington’s strategic commitment to the region and would not undermine NATO in the least.
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Global Must Read Articles
A sharp consensus between Europe and the US emerged at the NATO summit that they can not deal with Russia as usual. ++ Regarding the question what to do instead, one answer could be: concentrate on Russian oligarchs. ++ They have close ties with Putin, but also operate globally and depend on Western capital markets, Western consumers and foreign bank accounts. ++ Beside measures such as denying
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Instead of demonstrating the noble character of NATO, the so called “good war” in Afghanistan is running out of control. ++ The death toll is rising inexorably, the security situation for aid agencies and women deteriorates and the local population is turning more and more against the Alliance. ++ The only way to resolve the conflict is to withdraw the foreign troops and start negotiating a
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NATO foreign ministers are meeting tomorrow in Brussels to decide on further actions regarding the crisis in Georgia. ++ To prevent further instability, they should reassure those members who fear Russia that atlantic mutual-defence commitments are real and make new defense arrangements that would deter Russia. ++ They must also speed up the enlargement process and bring in Ukraine and the
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The EU’s attempt to develop a European Security and Defense Policy doesn’t mean it will compete with NATO. ++ Instead, NATO and EU complement each other. ++ Some countries in Africa or the Middle East would rather ask the EU for assistance. ++ On the other hand, NATO has the better capacities to manage certain long-term crises, e.g., when provoked by terrorism. ++ Military resources are only one
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This week’s events in Georgia proved the failure of the Western policy of belligerence towards the Kremlin. ++ It failed to take into account the complexity of the ethnic, religious, and nationalist structures in Georgia and even encouraged Saakashvili to challenge Putin. ++ As a result, the plans to enlarge NATO experienced a backlash, Russian neo-imperialism is strengthened and Georgia has
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Western support of Kosovo’s declaration of independence and NATO’s assurance of Georgia and Ukraine’s eventual Atlantic Alliance membership erode Russian influence on former states of the USSR. ++ Georgia pays a high price for adopting a pro-Western foreign policy and choosing new allies. ++ This intervention is a clear message to the West to stay out of what Kremlin sees as its
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Admitting Georgia and Ukraine to NATO could spoil the cooperation between Russia and the West. ++ If NATO decides to take in the two former Soviet republics, Russia might reciprocate by freezing its relations with the alliance which would be a lose-lose situation for all the parties involved. ++ We must not let this issue cool the relations between NATO and Moscow. ++ NATO, Russia and the OSCE
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The recent escalation of violence in Afghanistan and the calls to divert the US troops from Iraq make the question of ending these long and costly wars even more urgent. ++ There is only one organisation that can provide the leadership necessary to defeat the insurgencies and bring peace and stability to both countries: the UN. ++ US and its allies can never achieve these goals alone. ++ Only the
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Hopes for friendly relations with Russia, running high in the 1990s, were ruined by the Bush administration. ++ NATO membership offer to Georgia and Ukraine and plans to install elements of missile defense shield in Poland and the Czech Republic have fuelled Russian paranoia about strategic encirclement. ++ We need to understand that Russian foreign policy is shaped by their hunger for respect
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Rather than focusing on force levels, debates about burden-sharing within NATO should look at “defense transformation, operations, and the wider context of the international community’s efforts.” ++ While burden-sharing faces many challenges, more equality is possible through common funding, “transformation efforts to increase the pool of usable and deployable forces,” and increased multinational
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Despite the presence of over 50,000 NATO troops and some 140,000 Afghan troops and police, the Taliban and al-Qaeda have gotten stronger over the past two years. ++ The Pentagon invested about US$16.5 billion in Afghanistan, but it still lacks a “sustainable strategy” for the development of an Afghan Army and the country’s police force. ++ Only two of 105 Army units, and not a
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France issued a White Paper on military reforms to meet the new challenges of transnational terrorism and nuclear proliferation. ++ Alongside the modernization and rationalization of its armed forces, France seeks to return to the NATO command structure and revive the idea of a common European defense policy. ++ The US no longer rejects the plan and has thus cleared the way for the formation of
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While the US and Germany would welcome full French participation in NATO, Sarkozy faces stiff resistance to the notion domestically. ++ The fact that French military representation in NATO “far exceeds” analogous French efforts in ESDP should be addressed. ++ The US should emphasize its role as partner rather than leader with regards to NATO, and “positional bargaining” needs to be avoided by all
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Some may be tempted to ignore Bush during his final tour of Europe, a US President on his way out does not need the same attention as one on his way in. ++ Bush’s presidency, however, has marked an epoch-making shift: the emphasis of US diplomacy moved away from stability concerns and toward the spread democratic freedom; an emphasis that is strengthening the Atlantic
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US diplomats will not exceed their offer - worth billions - to modernize Poland’s armed forces in exchange for the hosting of the anti-missile shield base on Polish soil. ++ Poland’s expectations are higher than what the US is prepared to offer and talks are now threatened with collapse. ++ Poland’s room for maneuver is limited by Russia’s easing of its position against the missile shield, NATO’s
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Russia is increasing military means in Georgia that show striking parallels with Turkish occupation of northern Cyprus. ++ NATO members argue Georgia’s state of democratization needs to improve before they are willing to risk souring relations with Russia, but it is overlooked that much more is at stake here. ++ Despite EU and NATO bureaucratic considerations, Western help in general is
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Plans to build a US-proposed missile-defense shield based in Czech Republic and Poland has been met with feisty opposition. ++ NATO Secretary General, Jaap de Hoop Sheffer insists that missile defense is crucial for North Atlantic security in a world threatened by transnational terrorism and rogue states. ++ Public opposition in the Czech Republic represented in the government, Poland’s
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While Turkey’s judiciary, with support from its bureaucratic and military elite, threatens to disband the AKP, the US remains reluctant to take sides. ++ The US should realize that these anti-democratic groups are not necessarily more pro-Western, and formulate a clear pro-democracy policy towards Turkey. ++ Staying non-committal will be viewed by the majority of Turks as hypocritical pragmatism,
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The election of Nicolas Sarkozy was a source of hope for the future of Franco-American and transatlantic relations. Sarkozy made no secret of his intention to kick start a new era of French foreign policy and effect a radical break away from a forty year old Gaullist anti-American tradition, loyally held up by his predecessor Jacques Chirac. Now nearly a year has gone by since the proclaimed
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There is more to NATO’s enlargement plans than the official explanations imply. ++ “NATO is just a vehicle and another opportunity to extend its hard power globally” says Dan Plesch. ++ Regional dominance in former Soviet territory countervails potential return of Russian ambition. ++ NATO would gain influence over oil supplies, too. ++ Therefore Russian perception of threat by NATO
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NATO is threatened by growing protectionism, fear of terrorism, and the loss of faith of Europeans in values and institutions. ++ Its weakness prevents it from reforming. ++ Enlargement would enable promotion of western ideals the world over. ++ Since values override geography, Japan, Australia, and Israel should join now and others should be encouraged to, so as to effect democratic development
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European obstructionism of US proposals at the NATO summit exposes the EU’s division, weakness, and indecisiveness. ++ Energy dependency means that Russia has a de facto veto over EU security. ++ Suggesting the EU could mediate between the US and Russia is unrealistic. ++ A revival of Ostpolitik would impede NATO, increase Russia’s leverage, and lead to a deterioration of
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The traditional role of the state in Europe is diminished, therefore the capacity of EU governments to ask their people for sacrifices is reduced. ++ As the debate over using NATO forces in Afghanistan showed, EU governments are not able to live up to their obligations. ++ The European disillusionment with US policies has structural reasons and will continue after Bush’s presidency.
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By duplicating rather than completing the alliance’s functions, the Lisbon Treaty proposals on European defense integration damage NATO. ++ Since supranationalism would only further the EU’s democratic deficit, existing intergovernmental defense planning is preferable. ++ EU defense policy should be placed under NATO umbrella to prevent undermining transatlantic bonds and EU
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Few members at the Bucharest Summit acted to present the strongest military alliance in the world as “purposeful, tough and cohesive.” ++ “The Atlantic Caucus” is left to shoulder the biggest burden in Afghanistan and fill the “Eurogap” left by partners who fail to take the Taliban insurgency seriously. ++ Now NATO also suffers from a credibility gap due to members’ lack of resolve regarding
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Europe needs Russia for its oil and natural gas and Russia needs Europe for revenue from these resources. ++ This reciprocal relationship explains Europe’s opposition to granting Ukraine and Georgia NATO membership. ++ The issue of energy security is one of the few issues where central and eastern European countries agree with the US and are in conflict with Germany and France.
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Troops in Afghanistan amount to a mere 10% of the contingent needed. ++ Quarrelling over NATO policy issues is preventing gathering the necessary means to effectively tackle terrorism and the Taliban. ++ While French, German and Greek troops are comfortably in the North “where the main threat they face is boredom,” their politicians are willing to take charge, but not to shoulder the war’s
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For the sake of NATO credibility, the decision against MAPs for Ukraine and Georgia
needs to be reviewed within the year. ++ If Europeans give in, Russia may be able to prevent former Soviet republics from democratizing and westernizing. ++ But Russia’s victory in Bucharest could benefit transatlantic relations as it highlights the EU and NATO’s desperate need for American military support and
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The fate of NATO’s Afghanistan mission is strongly interlinked with developments in Pakistan. ++ Stability of both countries depends on an effective strategy to fight the Taliban/Al Qaeda in Pakistan’s tribal border areas. ++ Taliban’s capabilities against coalition forces in Afghanistan are a threat. ++ Joint US-Afghan-Pakistan military intelligence centers and counter-terrorism operations are
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The first territorial war of NATO history in Afghanistan will be the hot topic at the Bucharest Summit. ++ NATO’s credibility seems tied to success in Afghanistan, therefore NATO governments should reach a consensus on new criteria for measuring success and failure. ++ Democratization and stabilization can be difficult to achieve and should not be measured on an all-or-nothing basis.
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Without a new strategic concept and comprehensive reform, NATO will continue to decline. ++ Allies need consensus on the use of non-self-defense military force and the meaning of “collective defense.” ++ NATO should be a functioning political organization and bring its relationship with global partners to a new level. ++ NATO members need to be willing to make difficult compromises.
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NATO has always been a two-tiered alliance in which some countries shouldered more burdens than others. ++ This fact will not change, but it also does not invalidate the significance of NATO. ++ A two-tiered NATO even has certain benefits for the US, especially since the Eastward expansion of NATO serves as a safeguard against Russia. ++ NATO’s future, if centered on sea power and not combat,
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Bucharest is the ideal opportunity to extend the NATO membership action plan to Georgia and Ukraine and further negotiations with Balkan states. ++ While rewarding and encouraging their effort of reform, this would enhance the stability, solidarity, and security of the region. ++ NATO integration and EU enlargement are inseparable and crucial steps towards the creation of a stable European
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British skepticism towards EU defense and opposition to “operational headquarters” for EU military missions may jeopardize Sarkozy’s plan to simultaneously increase the EU’s military role and obtain approval at home for full membership to NATO. ++ A compromise in the form of common headquarters for both NATO and the ESDP would put an end to a pointless rivalry while optimizing the work of both
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Most important task for the UN secretary general’s new special representative for Afghanistan, Kai Eide, is to form a relationship with President Karzai. ++ UN must be the primary coordinator for all organizations in Afghanistan. ++ Military and civilian efforts need to be coordinated, Afghanistan Compact needs to be supported, and Afghanistan’s neighbors need to help stabilize.
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The 100 plus democratic nations need to come together as a “League of Democracies.” ++ NATO and the EU must build an effective military. ++ A strong NATO and EU are in the interest of the United States. ++ Global warming and vulnerability to autocracies are the next international challenges. ++ The US must be a model country, leading the world while listening to and respecting its allies.
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With unilateral pull-outs of the Afghan mission threatening NATO’s existence, Europe’s security is also at risk. ++ EU members lack consensus both on matters of foreign policy and regarding a role for NATO in the future. ++ As a global security actor, the EU should bolster its military capabilities, drop its idealism, and commit itself to real objectives in Sudan, Afghanistan, and Kosovo.
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To remain a relevant alliance, NATO needs to adapt to both changes in the international order and evolving threats. ++ NATO requires a comprehensive approach, enhanced coordination with other civilian actors, and cooperation with the UN and the EU. ++ Jaap de Hoop Scheffer speaking at the German Marshall Fund Brussels Forum expects NATO to provide real results by accurately scanning the strategic
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Currently, NATO’s means are solely military. ++ Yet today’s most urgent task is to prevent crises by eliminating reasons for armed conflict, so force should be the ultimate resort. ++ To avoid becoming a hollow transatlantic alliance, NATO should adopt a global rather than a regional outlook, reinforce collaboration with the politically legitimizing UN, and especially work closer with members of
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Kosovo’s independence weakens international institutions, which have been waning in influence since end of Cold War. ++ UN and NATO unable to regulate international conflicts. ++ Weaker countries most likely to support international regulations, superpowers rely least upon international law. ++ Institutions can only function if set up to resolve concrete problems; standards can’t be created with
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Jan Techau and Alexander Skiba of the German Council on Foreign Relations criticize the German Government’s rejection of the US request for more German combat forces in south Afghanistan. There are at least three reasons for Germany to re-evaluate its current position: stabilizing Afghanistan is in Germany’s national interest; strategically it makes sense for Germany to carry more of
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Improved cooperation between NATO and other organizations is necessary in view of new security requirements, says David Yost, professor at the US Naval Postgraduate School.
A more productive joint performance is needed to work towards common goals such as preventing failed states becoming safe havens for terrorists. Yost therefore welcomes the comprehensive civil-military approach endorsed by
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An opinion poll commissioned by the BBC indicates that 54% of Afghans think things are going in the right direction, while 70% described their living conditions as good or very good. According to the poll of 1377 people from all 34 provinces of Afghanistan, 67% support or strongly support the presence of NATO forces.
Most striking was the apparent unpopularity of the Taliban – only 5% of
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The last 16 years provide valuable hindsight into the grand strategic approach of the United States and highlight the need to reshape American foreign policy around the principle of restraint, argues Barry R. Posen, director of the security studies program at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
Writing for the American Interest, he points out that US policy makers have struggled to
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Russia’s influence once again looms over the Baltic countries, and their position within the European Union and NATO is not mitigating the threat, argues International Herald Tribune journalist Adam Ellick. New Russian investments in media and infrastructure, coercive use of strategic energy sources, and instigation of militancy among Russian minorities have rendered Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania
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French President Nicolas Sarkozy has reached out to the United States and is willing to bring France back into NATO, an offer America should seize, writes Dr. Ronald Asmus from the German Marshall Fund of the United States (GMF) and member of the Atlantic Initiative Advisory Board.
In 1995 Presidents Chirac and Clinton came close to an agreement, but sudden political changes threw France back
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As a community based on values, the West must strengthen its cohesiveness in order to grapple with the pace of globalization, and face a geopolitical axis actively shifting toward Asia, argues Stephen Szabo, executive director of the Transatlantic Academy, which is a partnership between the German Marshall Fund and the Bucerius Zeit Stiftung.
A division of the West could prove
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Kurt Volker, Prinicipal Deputy Assistant Secretary for European Affairs discusses the status of the U.S.-NATO relationship and other transatlantic issues with State Department Spokesman Sean McCormack on October 29, 2007.
State Department
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Officials in Washington are confused and disappointed at British Prime Minister Gordon Brown’s decision to withdraw troops from Iraq and focus more on Afghanistan, reports Con Coughlin of the Daily Telegraph. Brown, who played a key role in the run-up to the Iraq invasion during Tony Blair’s term in office, is now refusing responsibility for the chaos in Iraq. Coughlin warns Brown and
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The US intention to extend parts of its missile defense system to Poland and the Czech Republic has ruffled feathers throughout Europe. The issue has been particularly divisive in Germany, where Merkel has tried to occupy the diplomatic middle ground by proposing a multilateral missile shield project under NATO auspices in its stead - a suggestion that the US has rejected. Daniel Möckli of the
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Higher engagement of the EU and the USA in the Black Sea zone could limit European dependence on Russian energy and bring stability to the region, writes Ronald D. Asmus of the German Marshall Fund of the United States. The Atlantic Initiative Advisory Board Member points to recent developments, such as 9/11 and the enlargement of the EU in 2004, which have given the Caspian region and its energy
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The Euro-Atlantic Partnership lacks an effective venue for cooperative policy discussion. The NATO summit has therefore become the default forum for taking inventory of transatlantic outlooks. Franklin D. Kramer and Simon Serfaty of CSIS suggest a convergence of NATO and European Union member states under a unified “council.” The so-called “Euro-Atlantic Forum” would eliminate what the authors
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The creation of a legitimate US missile defense system requires a NATO framework, bipartisan support within the US, and Russian participation, argues Ronald Asmus of the German Marshall Fund. The Atlantic Initiative Advisory Board member sees danger of a new division into “Old” and “New” Europe unless these key elements are resolved. While influential US allies Angela Merkel and Jaap de Hoop
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Efforts to solve the Darfur conflict continually follow the same fruitless pattern, writes Daniel Allot of The Weekly Standard:
- The West pressures the Sudanese government to stop violations, while threatening sanctions.
- Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir promises to meet the demands.
- The Sudanese government reneges on its promises without repercussions.
The result: Khartoum no
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Today’s security threats demand global military capability, argue Ivo Daalder of Brookings and James Goldgeier of George Washington University. International alliances should incorporate new partners that can share the increasing demand for troops and meet the new requirements for a secure global community. NATO’s membership should be opened up beyond the original cold war mandate prescribed by
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Former Polish Secretary of Defense Radek Sikorski vows that Poland will not comply unconditionally with the proposed US missile defense system in Central Europe. Russia’s recent deployment of missile batteries along the Polish border has placed Poland at the front lines of this conflict. Meanwhile, the faulty US intelligence during the lead-up to the war in Iraq and the EU’s $120 billion
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NATO troops should adopt three main policies in Afghanistan, says Rory Stewart. First, they should develop a more considerate approach towards tribal communities in order to distinguish between friends and “real” enemies; second, they should concentrate on highly visible infrastructure projects to regain the population’s trust; third, development projects need to be launched (e.g. from UN
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The US-Russian relationship during President Putin’s tenure has seesawed between mutual cooperation and confrontation, says Lionel Beehner of the US Council on Foreign Relations. The three main reasons for these recent tensions are the American intentions to establish an antimissile shield, expand NATO, and encourage the installation of pro-Western governments across Eastern Europe. Putin has
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