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Open Think Tank Articles
Saeb Sal Kasm: Successful resolution of the Iranian nuclear dilemma requires creative and skillful diplomatic engagement. Otherwise, the parties risk further isolation, politically charged rhetoric, and eventually escalation toward military confrontation.
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Andreas Michael Bock: Iran is legally entitled to posses nuclear WMD - not inspite, but because of the NPT. The international treaty claims to apply equally to all contracting parties, but numerous exceptions have been made in the past. Then why should the NPT apply to Iran?
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Editorial Team: The Heinrich Böll conference brought a cast of leading scholars to the debate in Berlin last week. Credibility, feasibility and confidence building were all key words and vital to the agenda. In addition to presenting your Atlantic Memo we were there to cover the event and bring you the finest international arguments.
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Video Stream: Atlantic-Community.org has broadcasted live from the Heinrich Böll Foundation’s conference “A World Without Nuclear Weapons or Nuclear Anarchy?” Speakers from international politics, industry and civil society discussed the dangers posed by nuclear weapons in the 21st century’s world order.
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Robert G. Gard: Global Zero is dependent on compliance, which in turn relies on mutual trust between states in the international system that weapons will not be concealed. This appears remote and subsequently so too does the feasibility of such a goal as complete nuclear disarmament.
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Dieter M Dettke: Germany must take on more responsibility to shape a global system without nuclear weapons as it is in Berlin’s national interest to do so. Beginning with European & US disarmament the West can gain the moral authority it still needs to enforce the NPT regime.
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Henry David Sokolski: Further proliferation of supposedly “peaceful” nuclear energy sources undermines the goal of Global Zero. We should replace the NPT concept of sharing technology in favor of limiting supplies, especially in trouble prone areas like the Middle East.
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Leon V. Sigal: The world needs to focus on first steps toward abolition, not the ultimate goal. Most importantly, before moving to Zero, the West has to achieve major efforts in its relations with North Korea and Iran.
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L. Korb and M. Wilkins: Even though a nuclear-free world may never be achieved, the aspiration is an end in itself. The steps towards Global Zero will help discourage nuclear proliferation. Ultimately, the feasibility of nuclear abolition will depend on the logic of nuclear deterrence being perceived as obsolete.
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Charles D. Ferguson : Cold War lessons teach us that nuclear abolition is a crucial goal. To reach Global Zero, future policy must address bureaucratic inertia on nuclear targeting policy, linking conventional and nuclear arms control, and reducing the prestige of possessing nuclear weapons.
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Paul M. Carroll: In today’s world, nuclear weapons have become a liability rather than an asset. These arms present risks in and of themselves and should not be retained by anyone. Thus, efforts to reduce and then eliminate nuclear weapons are not only feasible, but imperative.
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Hall Gardner: There are five points political leaders must be convinced of if a consensus is to emerge on disarmament. Global proliferation destabilizes the political economy of whole regions and nuclear warfare is undeniably genetically genocidal. This is not to mention that empirical proof shows that nuclear weapons pose little deterrent to engaging in conventional warfare.
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Kenneth N. Luongo: A prerequisite for the abolition of nuclear weaponry is that international leaders must effectively and comprehensively address the evolving global nuclear dangers of the 21st century. Thus, they should launch a Nuclear Security Initiative, that would include a comprehensive suite of next-generation nuclear security policies and tools.
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Tom Z. Collina: The three prerequisites to stable nuclear reduction must be pursued consistently by both Russia and the US. Only after we achieve real success can we begin to judge whether Global Zero is truly possible. Our map to disarmament makes the beginning clear but our choices will define the path.
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Subrata Ghoshroy: Global Zero is not feasible unless the security concerns of all nations are addressed. A world free of nuclear weapons depends on conventional disarmament, deeper cuts in the US and Russian arsenals and a ban to further produce nuclear weapons.
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Editorial Team: Nuclear disarmament is back on the agenda in the international debate. Atlantic Community members are encouraged to join the conversation as we host a special Theme Week on “Global Zero.” We will present the results from your discussion at the Böll Foundation’s conference “A World Without Nuclear Weapons or Nuclear Anarchy?”
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Kay-Michael Dankl: If the UNSC is to maintain its international legitimacy specific procedural features should be reformed, and the principle of equity of states should be strengthened.
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Eckart von Klaeden: India has become a new global player. The broadening and deepening of relations with Western powers such as Germany and the United States in recent years has been welcomed in Berlin and Washington.
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Mark Brzezinski: The US has missed opportunities to make sensible progress in India and Iran. In both cases, the United States should be promoting constructive engagement rather than undercutting long-held nonproliferation doctrine.
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Global Must Read Articles
Differences between the United States and the Russian Federation since the end of the Cold War have bogged down the nuclear disarmament process. Since 96% of all nuclear weapons remain in the hands of the former adversaries, Washington and Moscow must once again take the lead in opposing nuclear proliferation worldwide. The largely bilateral disarmament process to date must be expanded
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President Obama’s intention of ratifying the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty is “a profound mistake, as a ban on testing nuclear weapons would jeopardize American national security.” ++ The reliability of US nuclear weapons cannot be guaranteed without testing them ++ As the world has so far been unable to enforce the NPT, there is little reason to believe that it would be effective in enforcing
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Only a few years ago, calls for a world without nuclear
weapons were considered mere academic wishful thinking. But today US security
policy experts are themselves advocating full nuclear disarmament, amongst them
Henry Kissinger and William Perry. And beginning with President Obama’s speech
in Prague, if not before, many of these calls for disarmament have become part
of official US
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The West is more concerned about who proliferates than whether someone degradates the Non-Proliferation Treaty. ++ A manageable relationship with Iran requires understanding its world view and equally and respectfully acknowledging its interests. ++ Security rewards should replace sanctions: Israel could for instance be warned “that any unilateral attack on Iran would force the US to reconsider
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Even though India hasn’t signed the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty and has not permitted inspections of its nuclear plants, Bush’s administration is hastening to close a US-Indian “civilian nuclear deal.” ++ While telling Congress the deal could bring India into the nonproliferation fold, American diplomats assure India it can still test with impunity. ++ In fact, India is
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July 1 marked the 40th anniversary of the NPT which provided an opportunity to reexamine its current and future role. ++ Nuclear nonproliferation movement is at a crossroads. ++ It is crucial that the next US president calls for deep cuts in nuclear weapons around the world at the start of his administration in January 2009. ++ He should also appoint a nonproliferation “czar” to help him shape
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Veteran Middle East reporter John K. Cooley suggests the US initiate a comprehensive, formal dialogue with Iran on the issues that have divided the two countries since Iran’s 1979 revolution. The minimum objective of this dialogue should be the halt of Iranian uranium enrichment and plutonium diversion for weapons production. A four-step peace plan—including cooperation in Afghanistan and Iraq
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